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ESG进入棘手的“青春期”

ESG进入棘手的“青春期”

方绘香(Erika Fry) 2022-10-05
大公司重视ESG并非“幡然醒悟”,而是为了保护利润。

图片来源:PHOTO-ILLUSTRATION BY SELMAN DESIGN

今年早些时候,环境、社会与治理(ESG)的未来前景似乎一片光明。环境、社会与治理是一种日益普遍的经营理念,即在经营和投资决策中考虑环境、社会和治理因素。据晨星投资实验室(Morningstar Direct)统计,该领域在2021年经历了创纪录的一年,全球有6,490亿美元注入了专注于ESG投资的基金。

当时有人估计,全球有三分之一的管理资产根据ESG原则进行投资,包括越来越多大型公共退休基金的资金。面对气候变化、不平等扩大和其他社会问题,ESG通常被称为是为拯救地球而需要推行的运动。ESG原则尤其引起了年青一代的共鸣,甚至沃顿(Wharton)等商学院都推出了专注于ESG的MBA课程。

但如果说2021年是ESG取得突破的一年,那么从2022年开始,它就进入了棘手的“青春期”——在这段混乱时期,它将受到质疑,并最终确定自己的身份。

至少造成身份认同危机的部分原因是市场营销问题。ESG最初被认为是一个长期利润最大化策略,其基本理念是冰川融化和被冲突撕裂的地球对商业不利。最近,ESG被卷入了价值观冲突,以及美国的文化战争。

从根本上来说,ESG战略是评估外部因素对一家公司的影响(沿海洪灾会对我的工厂造成哪些影响?更多样化的团队会如何影响绩效?),而不是公司对世界的影响(我的工厂可能对地球产生哪些影响?多样化招聘如何解决不平等问题?)。

当利润导向的商人谈论ESG时,他们通常关注的是第一点。但我们很容易模糊两者之间的界限,而且许多市场营销就是如此。ESG与利益相关者资本主义或者“影响力”投资等其他商业运动一样,都被贴上了“善有善报”的标签。这导致一个人根据自己的社会价值观(例如保护环境)进行投资的行为和ESG被混为一谈,而后者应该基于商业理由。

不出意外,一些领导人和右翼政客将ESG变成了一个贬义词,将这种模糊的策略称为“觉醒资本主义”,被信仰自由主义的金融机构用来欺骗美国投资者,以发展进步事业。前生物科技创业者维韦克·拉玛斯瓦米成为反ESG运动的典型。他成立了两只投资基金,包括一只能源交易所交易基金(ETF),该基金旨在反对可持续发展和多样化倡议,并选择了一个具有讽刺性的交易代码DRLL。美国前副总统迈科·彭斯、佛罗里达州州长罗恩·德桑蒂斯和福克斯(Fox)的主持人塔克·卡尔森等人的言论,提高了ESG的知名度,并使与ESG有关的讨论变得更令人困惑,并充满了虚假信息。(卡尔森甚至将斯里兰卡经济的崩溃归咎于ESG。)

对于认真对待ESG原则的商界人物来说,这些都是令人沮丧的小问题而已。他们发现当前的状况存在许多问题,但他们也看到了一个值得改进的框架。沃顿商学院的教授及副院长维托尔德·赫尼什曾经担任该学院ESG倡议的学术主任。他说:“我认为在ESG方面还有很多工作要做。”

其中包括解决ESG领域经常被夸大的有关投资回报的说法,以及统一普遍不一致且不透明的评级系统。这些系统同时对公司的环境、社会和治理因素进行评分,往往会造成困扰。毫无疑问,特斯拉(Tesla)的电动汽车对于应对气候变化做出了重要贡献,但该公司由于涉及种族歧视的言论以及其他问题,却公然被一个ESG指数除名,导致埃隆·马斯克表态称整个ESG领域都是“诈骗”。

正如赫尼什所说,反ESG运动是一场协调行动,背后是支持化石能源的美国立法交流委员会(American Legislative Exchange Council)等组织,自2021年年初以来,至少有17个州提出了“反ESG”法案,至少5个州颁布了反ESG法律。这些动作的目的通常是禁止在公共退休基金投资中使用ESG因素,比如佛罗里达州最近使用1,860亿美元的州资金所做的投资,另一方面是为了对通过ESG政策歧视某些行业的投资者进行处罚。

得克萨斯州在2021年9月开始执行一项类似法律,禁止市政府与限制向石油天然气或军火公司提供资金的银行开展实质性业务。结果导致花旗集团(Citigroup)、摩根大通(JPMorgan Chase)和高盛集团(Goldman Sachs)等五家大银行离开了得克萨斯州的市政债券市场。据沃顿商学院的丹尼尔·加勒特和美联储(Federal Reserve)的伊凡·伊万诺夫分析发现,这些银行承销了当地债券市场35%的债务,它们的离开大幅降低了该市场的竞争力。他们发现,这项政策将让得克萨斯州的居民付出代价。在法律实施的前八个月,该州将为其320亿美元贷款,额外支付约3.03亿美元至5.32亿美元利息。

更不确定的一点是,如果其他州纷纷效仿得克萨斯州,是否会让银行改变立场。许多号称拥有ESG证书的银行现在的处境就像是在尴尬地跳踢踏舞,他们根据红州官员的要求增加石油天然气投资。这反过来为激进的批评者递上了把柄。他们认为ESG就是漂绿行为。

到目前为止,反ESG运动是主要发生在美国的一种现象,这种势头的出现恰好是在美国证券交易委员会(SEC)提出要求公司和基金披露气候和ESG相关数据的两项提案前后。对于其他国家的人来说,这种政治化是一个令人费解的现象。晨星投资管理研究总监、位于伦敦的林赛·斯图尔特表示:“在投资时进行ESG分析只是一种投资行为。”斯图尔特补充说,只要投资者承认气候风险是真实存在的,“无论他们是否认为自己具有社会和环境意识,这些风险都是实实在在的。”

ESG的成长痛还赶上了另外一场考验,那就是俄乌冲突。这场战争导致可持续基金的绩效不尽如人意。ESG指数中科技股比重较大,石油、天然气和国防股占比较小,今年到目前为止,ESG指数下跌了24.2%,而大盘下跌了21.6%。今年第二季度,美国可持续基金在五年来首次出现了资金外流,尽管严重程度低于非ESG基金。

这种黏性意味着坚持ESG原则的投资者并没有放弃。而且公司面临的实际风险也没有减少,今年灾难性的气候事件就是很好的证明,例如欧洲的极端高温、巴基斯坦的严重洪灾、中国前所未有的干旱等。再保险商瑞士再保险公司(Swiss Re)曾经估计,到2050年,气候变化将导致全球经济产出损失23万亿美元。对许多高管而言,预测这些风险并不是为了取悦“觉醒的”投资者,而是为了保护公司的利润。(财富中文网)

本文另一版本登载于《财富》杂志2022年10/11月刊,标题为《“觉醒投资”并没有消失》(“Woke investing’ isn’t going away”)。

翻译:刘进龙

审校:汪皓

今年早些时候,环境、社会与治理(ESG)的未来前景似乎一片光明。环境、社会与治理是一种日益普遍的经营理念,即在经营和投资决策中考虑环境、社会和治理因素。据晨星投资实验室(Morningstar Direct)统计,该领域在2021年经历了创纪录的一年,全球有6,490亿美元注入了专注于ESG投资的基金。

当时有人估计,全球有三分之一的管理资产根据ESG原则进行投资,包括越来越多大型公共退休基金的资金。面对气候变化、不平等扩大和其他社会问题,ESG通常被称为是为拯救地球而需要推行的运动。ESG原则尤其引起了年青一代的共鸣,甚至沃顿(Wharton)等商学院都推出了专注于ESG的MBA课程。

但如果说2021年是ESG取得突破的一年,那么从2022年开始,它就进入了棘手的“青春期”——在这段混乱时期,它将受到质疑,并最终确定自己的身份。

至少造成身份认同危机的部分原因是市场营销问题。ESG最初被认为是一个长期利润最大化策略,其基本理念是冰川融化和被冲突撕裂的地球对商业不利。最近,ESG被卷入了价值观冲突,以及美国的文化战争。

从根本上来说,ESG战略是评估外部因素对一家公司的影响(沿海洪灾会对我的工厂造成哪些影响?更多样化的团队会如何影响绩效?),而不是公司对世界的影响(我的工厂可能对地球产生哪些影响?多样化招聘如何解决不平等问题?)。

当利润导向的商人谈论ESG时,他们通常关注的是第一点。但我们很容易模糊两者之间的界限,而且许多市场营销就是如此。ESG与利益相关者资本主义或者“影响力”投资等其他商业运动一样,都被贴上了“善有善报”的标签。这导致一个人根据自己的社会价值观(例如保护环境)进行投资的行为和ESG被混为一谈,而后者应该基于商业理由。

不出意外,一些领导人和右翼政客将ESG变成了一个贬义词,将这种模糊的策略称为“觉醒资本主义”,被信仰自由主义的金融机构用来欺骗美国投资者,以发展进步事业。前生物科技创业者维韦克·拉玛斯瓦米成为反ESG运动的典型。他成立了两只投资基金,包括一只能源交易所交易基金(ETF),该基金旨在反对可持续发展和多样化倡议,并选择了一个具有讽刺性的交易代码DRLL。美国前副总统迈科·彭斯、佛罗里达州州长罗恩·德桑蒂斯和福克斯(Fox)的主持人塔克·卡尔森等人的言论,提高了ESG的知名度,并使与ESG有关的讨论变得更令人困惑,并充满了虚假信息。(卡尔森甚至将斯里兰卡经济的崩溃归咎于ESG。)

对于认真对待ESG原则的商界人物来说,这些都是令人沮丧的小问题而已。他们发现当前的状况存在许多问题,但他们也看到了一个值得改进的框架。沃顿商学院的教授及副院长维托尔德·赫尼什曾经担任该学院ESG倡议的学术主任。他说:“我认为在ESG方面还有很多工作要做。”

其中包括解决ESG领域经常被夸大的有关投资回报的说法,以及统一普遍不一致且不透明的评级系统。这些系统同时对公司的环境、社会和治理因素进行评分,往往会造成困扰。毫无疑问,特斯拉(Tesla)的电动汽车对于应对气候变化做出了重要贡献,但该公司由于涉及种族歧视的言论以及其他问题,却公然被一个ESG指数除名,导致埃隆·马斯克表态称整个ESG领域都是“诈骗”。

正如赫尼什所说,反ESG运动是一场协调行动,背后是支持化石能源的美国立法交流委员会(American Legislative Exchange Council)等组织,自2021年年初以来,至少有17个州提出了“反ESG”法案,至少5个州颁布了反ESG法律。这些动作的目的通常是禁止在公共退休基金投资中使用ESG因素,比如佛罗里达州最近使用1,860亿美元的州资金所做的投资,另一方面是为了对通过ESG政策歧视某些行业的投资者进行处罚。

得克萨斯州在2021年9月开始执行一项类似法律,禁止市政府与限制向石油天然气或军火公司提供资金的银行开展实质性业务。结果导致花旗集团(Citigroup)、摩根大通(JPMorgan Chase)和高盛集团(Goldman Sachs)等五家大银行离开了得克萨斯州的市政债券市场。据沃顿商学院的丹尼尔·加勒特和美联储(Federal Reserve)的伊凡·伊万诺夫分析发现,这些银行承销了当地债券市场35%的债务,它们的离开大幅降低了该市场的竞争力。他们发现,这项政策将让得克萨斯州的居民付出代价。在法律实施的前八个月,该州将为其320亿美元贷款,额外支付约3.03亿美元至5.32亿美元利息。

更不确定的一点是,如果其他州纷纷效仿得克萨斯州,是否会让银行改变立场。许多号称拥有ESG证书的银行现在的处境就像是在尴尬地跳踢踏舞,他们根据红州官员的要求增加石油天然气投资。这反过来为激进的批评者递上了把柄。他们认为ESG就是漂绿行为。

到目前为止,反ESG运动是主要发生在美国的一种现象,这种势头的出现恰好是在美国证券交易委员会(SEC)提出要求公司和基金披露气候和ESG相关数据的两项提案前后。对于其他国家的人来说,这种政治化是一个令人费解的现象。晨星投资管理研究总监、位于伦敦的林赛·斯图尔特表示:“在投资时进行ESG分析只是一种投资行为。”斯图尔特补充说,只要投资者承认气候风险是真实存在的,“无论他们是否认为自己具有社会和环境意识,这些风险都是实实在在的。”

ESG的成长痛还赶上了另外一场考验,那就是俄乌冲突。这场战争导致可持续基金的绩效不尽如人意。ESG指数中科技股比重较大,石油、天然气和国防股占比较小,今年到目前为止,ESG指数下跌了24.2%,而大盘下跌了21.6%。今年第二季度,美国可持续基金在五年来首次出现了资金外流,尽管严重程度低于非ESG基金。

这种黏性意味着坚持ESG原则的投资者并没有放弃。而且公司面临的实际风险也没有减少,今年灾难性的气候事件就是很好的证明,例如欧洲的极端高温、巴基斯坦的严重洪灾、中国前所未有的干旱等。再保险商瑞士再保险公司(Swiss Re)曾经估计,到2050年,气候变化将导致全球经济产出损失23万亿美元。对许多高管而言,预测这些风险并不是为了取悦“觉醒的”投资者,而是为了保护公司的利润。(财富中文网)

本文另一版本登载于《财富》杂志2022年10/11月刊,标题为《“觉醒投资”并没有消失》(“Woke investing’ isn’t going away”)。

翻译:刘进龙

审校:汪皓

Earlier this year, the future looked as if it could only get brighter for ESG, the increasingly widespread practice of considering environmental, social, and governance factors in business and investment decisions. In investing, the field was coming off a record-smashing 2021, with $649 billion flowing into ESG-focused funds globally, according to Morningstar Direct.

By one estimate at the time, a third of the world’s assets under management, including the money of growing numbers of huge public pension funds, were invested according to ESG principles. Often branded as the movement the planet needs at a time of climate change, widening inequality, and other social problems, ESG has resonated especially with younger generations—so much so that business schools, including Wharton, have launched ESG-focused MBAs.

But if 2021 was ESG’s breakout year, 2022 has marked the start of its awkward adolescence—a messy period of confronting critics and figuring itself out.

At least part of that identity crisis is a marketing problem. Originally conceived as a longer-term profit maximization strategy, based around the idea that a melting, conflict-riven planet is bad for business, ESG has recently gotten sucked into conflicts over values—and thus, into America’s culture wars.

ESG strategy is fundamentally about assessing how external factors could impact a business (How might coastal flooding affect my factory? How would a more diverse team affect performance?), rather than the business’s impact on the wider world (How might my factory be polluting the planet? How might diverse hiring address inequalities?).

When bottom-line-oriented businesspeople talk about ESG, they’re often focusing on the first point. But it’s easy to blur the line between the two, and many marketing efforts do. ESG gets labeled with the “Do well by doing good” branding attached to other business movements like stakeholder capitalism or “impact” investing. And that has created a muddy picture in which aligning investments with one’s social values (like protecting the environment) gets mixed up with ESG, which is supposed to be based on a business case.

No surprise, then, that some luminaries and politicians on the right have turned ESG into a pejorative, characterizing the fuzzy strategy as “woke capitalism,” an effort by liberal financial institutions to cheat American investors in the interest of advancing progressive causes. Vivek Ramaswamy, a former biotech entrepreneur, has become the anti-ESG movement’s poster child, launching a couple of investment funds, including an energy ETF with the trollish ticker DRLL, to fight sustainability and diversity initiatives. The messaging, picked up by former Vice President Mike Pence, Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, and Fox pundit Tucker Carlson, among others, has both raised ESG’s profile and made the conversation even more confused and misinformed. (Carlson went so far as to pin the collapse of the Sri Lankan economy on ESG.)

To people in the business community who take ESG’s principles seriously, this is all a frustrating sideshow. They see plenty of problems with the current state of affairs, but they also see a framework worth improving on. “The way I look at it is, we’ve got lots of work to do,” says Witold Henisz, a professor and vice dean at Wharton who serves as faculty director of the school’s ESG initiative.

That work includes tackling the ESG field’s often overstated claims about its return on investment, as well as taming its wildly inconsistent and opaque ratings systems, which often cause confusion by scoring companies on E, S, and G simultaneously. Tesla, whose electric cars’ contribution to the fight against climate change is undeniably vital, famously got dropped from an ESG index owing to claims of racial discrimination and other problems at the company, leading Elon Musk to pronounce the whole field “a scam.”

As Henisz notes, much of the anti-ESG movement is a coordinated campaign, backed by organizations like the fossil-fuel-friendly American Legislative Exchange Council, with “anti-ESG” bills introduced in at least 17 states and enacted in at least five since early 2021. Such efforts generally aim to bar the use of ESG factors in the investment of public pension funds—as Florida recently did with its $186 billion state fund—or to punish investors perceived as discriminating against certain industries via ESG policies.

Texas implemented such legislation in September 2021, forbidding municipalities from doing substantial business with banks that restricted funding to oil and gas or firearms companies. On those grounds, five large banks—including Citigroup, JPMorgan Chase, and Goldman Sachs—left the state’s municipal bond market. Together, they had underwritten 35% of that debt, and their departure made the market far less competitive, according to an analysis by Daniel Garrett of Wharton and Ivan Ivanov of the Federal Reserve. They found that the policy will cost Texans, who will pay an estimated $303 million to $532 million more in interest on the $32 billion borrowed during the first eight months of the laws’ implementation.

What’s less clear is whether the tradeoffs will change for banks if many other states follow Texas’s lead. Already, many banks that boast of their ESG credentials are engaged in an awkward tap dance, playing up their oil and gas holdings in correspondence with red-state officials. That in turn provides fodder for progressive critics who believe ESG amounts to greenwashing.

The ESG backlash is so far a largely American phenomenon, timed in part around two SEC proposals that would require companies and funds to disclose climate- and ESG-related data. For those watching from outside the U.S., the politicization is perplexing. “ESG analysis in investing at this point is just investing,” says London-based Lindsey Stewart, director of investment stewardship research at Morningstar. Once investors acknowledge that climate risks are real, Stewart adds, “whether they consider themselves to be socially and environmentally conscious or not, those risks are there.”

ESG’s growing pains coincide with another test, the war in Ukraine, which has turned sustainable funds into underperformers. Heavy on tech, and light on oil, gas, and defense stocks, ESG indexes are down 24.2% year to date, versus a 21.6% decline for the broader market. For the first time in five years, U.S. sustainable funds recorded outflows in the second quarter—though not to degree that money is flowing out of non-ESG funds.

That stickiness suggests that ESG-committed investors aren’t going away. Nor, as made clear by another year of catastrophic climate events—extreme heat in Europe, disastrous flooding in Pakistan, unprecedented drought in China—are the very real risks that businesses face. Reinsurer Swiss Re has estimated that climate change could put a dent of up to $23 trillion in the globe’s economic output by 2050. For many executives, anticipating those risks isn’t about pleasing “woke” investors: It’s about protecting the bottom line.

This article appears in the October/November 2022 issue of Fortune with the headline, “Woke investing’ isn’t going away.”

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