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智利的锂矿开采困境:如何协调经济机遇与环境关切

智利的锂矿开采困境:如何协调经济机遇与环境关切

GENEVIEVE GLATSKY 2022-06-04
在如何开采锂资源的问题上,智利正处于一个十字路口。

罗莎·拉莫斯(Rosa Ramos)还记得圣佩德罗·德·阿塔卡马镇在锂矿开采热潮涌动之前的样子。她回忆说,这片位于智利北部的沙漠当时是一个“与世隔绝的世界”:大多数人以放牧牛羊为生,夏天上山,冬天去盐滩劳作。

这种日子一直持续到20世纪80年代采矿业到来的时候。采矿着实是一份辛苦的工作,但人们开始赚取更高的薪水,这让他们有能力建造更好的房子,把出行工具从驴子换成汽车,并寻求中学之后的教育。

十几岁时,拉莫斯离开圣佩德罗去外地求学,并最终获得旅游学位。然后,她带着全新的眼光重返家乡。看到点缀在这片土地上的矿场越来越多时,她的心情非常复杂。一方面,国内和国际矿业巨头给她的社区带来了经济机会,但广大居民还在遭受水电短缺的困扰。

随着新政府今年上台,在如何开采锂资源的问题上,智利正处于一个十字路口。据业内专家介绍,作为仅次于澳大利亚的世界第二大锂生产国,智利的锂开采政策将直接影响到全球电动汽车的生产和采用。

“在决定我们能以多快的速度在全球推出电动汽车方面,智利扮演着非常重要的角色。”矿产供应价格报告机构基准矿业(Benchmark Minerals)的高级分析师卡梅伦•珀克斯(Cameron Perks)指出。

智利的新政府

事实上,阿塔卡马地区的小规模金属矿开采,已经延续了好几个世纪。到20世纪80年代和90年代,在全球需求和奥古斯托·皮诺切特(Augusto Pinochet)政府的亲商政策推动下,该地区的铜和锂开采驶入高速发展轨道。锂业已成为智利经济的重要支柱,尤其是与邻国阿根廷和玻利维亚相比——这两个国家基本上还没有对其巨大储量进行商业化开采。

不过,这种增长在最近几年陷入停滞。智利一直在艰难地增加产量,并竭力维系其在全球市场中的地位。智利目前仅有的两个采矿合同,是与美国矿业巨头雅宝公司(Albemarle)和智利化工矿业公司(SQM)签订的。

2019年,长达数月的抗议活动和残酷镇压让智利陷入动荡。随后的全民公投选出了一组智利人来起草一部新宪法。而这部新宪法可能会极大地改变智利的水权和锂开采政策。现在,一场前所未有的宪法改革进程,以及新当选的左翼总统、现年36岁的加布里埃尔·鲍里克(Gabriel Boric)在未来数月和数年做出的决策,正在决定智利锂矿开采的未来。

今年3月上任的鲍里克已经宣称,智利将奉行更加左翼,更强力的环保政策。他在竞选中提出,到2050年实现净零碳排放,关闭燃煤电厂,并彻底改革国家的水管理系统。不过,他尚未对锂矿开采问题表明坚定立场。

在当选总统后的首次演讲中,鲍里克援引环保主义者使用的一个术语,郑重承诺:“我们不想要更多的‘牺牲区’。我们不想要那些收买、破坏社区,毁掉智利的开采项目。”

他任命的环境部长马萨•罗哈斯(Maisa Rojas),一位初登政坛的顶级气候科学家,正在推动一项旨在引领智利到2050年实现碳中和的法律。它将赋予政府更大的权力来限制排放,包括采矿业的排放。在履新首周,鲍里克签署了联合国的《埃斯卡苏协定》(Escazu Agreement)。这项具有里程碑意义的环境条约,为拉丁美洲和加勒比地区的环境信息获取和环境正义提供了保证。上届政府没有这样做。

此外,对于环保人士的最新建议,新一届政府似乎秉持更开放的态度。国际环保组织自然资源保护委员会(Natural Resources Defense Council, NRDC)最近发布了一份关于南美洲锂矿开采的报告,建议政府确保当地社区的知情同意权,加强采矿作业的环境标准,并投资于锂的其他获取方式,比如回收和“地热提锂”技术。

拉蒙·巴尔卡扎尔(Ramón Balcázar)是NRDC报告的执笔者之一,也是位于圣佩德罗·德·阿塔卡马的安第斯盐滩多国观测站(Plurinational Observatory of Andean Salt Flats)的协调员。他指出,新政府比上届政府更愿意倾听原住民社区的关切。这份报告的建议正在获得更多的关注,尽管相关建议还没有落到实处。

“现在有更多的社区、组织和机构意识到了这个问题。”他指出。

对环境的关切日益增长

随着全球经济的去碳化进程日益迫切,一些人担心,包括玻利维亚和阿根廷在内的所谓“锂三角地区”将遭受脱碳的负面影响——它们将被视为一种必要的,即使是不幸的牺牲品。

锂矿开采的环境副作用包括水源枯竭、丧失生物多样性、扰乱当地生态系统、污染土壤和地下水,等等。电池所用的锂和其他金属,通常是在原住民土地附近开采的。采矿作业会污染水或致使水源干涸、伤害生物多样性,并破坏圣地。

采矿业的反对人士表示,如果不遏制所谓的“肮脏采矿”,清洁能源转型可能会重蹈它寻求取代的化石燃料经济的覆辙。

阿塔卡马沙漠是阿塔卡梅诺斯人数千年来赖以栖息的家园。作为“锂三角”的一部分,这片沙漠蕴藏着世界上的大多数锂资源。除电动汽车之外,锂也是手机和光伏电池的关键材料之一。

智利的锂基本上是在阿塔卡马沙漠盐滩下的卤水中发现的。矿业公司将卤水泵入池塘,让其蒸发数月,以提取这种贵金属。根据智利安托法加斯塔大学(University of Antofagasta)科学家英格丽德·迦瑟斯(Ingrid Garcés)发布的一份报告,在阿塔卡马,生产一吨锂需要耗费2000吨水。最近的一项研究表明,采矿与阿塔卡马地区的火烈鸟数量呈负相关,这可能是地表水下降所致。

锂业公司辩称,卤水不是水,不能饮用或灌溉,但一些研究表明,抽取卤水会影响淡水供应。

“我们现在处于一个错误的选择框架中,似乎非得在清洁能源和‘肮脏采矿’之间做出选择。在我看来,其实完全没必要这样做。”华盛顿非政府环保组织Earthworks的采矿项目主任帕亚尔·桑帕特(Payal Sampat)说。

不断增长的需求

随着世界为过渡到可再生能源和摆脱化石燃料设定了雄心勃勃的目标,锂的市场需求持续走高。但环保人士警告称,向可再生能源系统过渡所需的许多技术和基础设施有其自身的社会和环境后果。

根据基准矿业提供给《财富》的数据,2021年的全球供需缺口高达6.3万吨。该数据显示,到2030年,全球的锂需求预计将增长到四倍以上,其中越来越多的需求来自电动汽车。

美国和欧盟有意开发锂矿,但这些计划开始遭遇随之而来的反对。随着全球锂供应陷入短缺荒,矿业公司急于增加这种金属的产量,以满足不断暴涨的需求。

一些环保组织对这些预测提出质疑,声称目前的清洁能源投资并没有让增加采矿成为必要之举——而且认为不应该这样做。

常驻犹他州的地下水和采矿顾问史蒂文·艾默曼(Steven Emerman)表示,除非矿业公司得到原住民社区的知情同意,否则就应该缩减锂产量。

“我想说的是,如果不能以一种符合人权的方式开采锂矿,这种能源转型就需要进行一些反思。”他指出。

华盛顿零排放运输协会(Zero Emission Transportation Association)执行主任乔·布里顿(Joe Britton)表示,尽管社区参与和部落协商至关重要,但锂矿开采是脱碳过程中避不开的一环。

“没有关键矿物质的支持,就不存在所谓的净零经济。我们根本就不可能实现净零排放目标。”他说,“所以我认为一些团体的态度非常虚伪。他们一方面以极其强硬的语气宣扬净零经济的必要性,但同时又反对我们为实现这一目标所必须付出的种种努力。”

修宪提议

智利宪法草案的最新版本将于9月付诸表决。该草案将扩大原住民地区的环境权利和自治权。

普罗维登斯学院(Providence College)专门研究绿色技术和锂提取的政治学教授西娅·里奥弗朗索斯(Thea Riofrancos)表示,一旦获得通过,新宪法将跻身“世界上最进步的宪法”之列。

拟纳入新宪法草案的观点包括自然权利、动物权利、环境信息权、参与环境决策的权利,并让水成为一种公共品——这与皮诺切特时代的水资源私有化截然相反。

修宪会议已经批准了一些条款,包括要求矿业公司为修复采矿破坏的环境买单,禁止在冰川和其他保护区采矿,保证农民和原住民拥有安全获取能源的权利,保护海洋和大气。然而,一项有争议的条款,即扩大国家对矿场的所有权,被否决了。

“我认为全世界都应该关注智利。”里奥弗朗索斯说。(财富中文网)

译者:任文科

罗莎·拉莫斯(Rosa Ramos)还记得圣佩德罗·德·阿塔卡马镇在锂矿开采热潮涌动之前的样子。她回忆说,这片位于智利北部的沙漠当时是一个“与世隔绝的世界”:大多数人以放牧牛羊为生,夏天上山,冬天去盐滩劳作。

这种日子一直持续到20世纪80年代采矿业到来的时候。采矿着实是一份辛苦的工作,但人们开始赚取更高的薪水,这让他们有能力建造更好的房子,把出行工具从驴子换成汽车,并寻求中学之后的教育。

十几岁时,拉莫斯离开圣佩德罗去外地求学,并最终获得旅游学位。然后,她带着全新的眼光重返家乡。看到点缀在这片土地上的矿场越来越多时,她的心情非常复杂。一方面,国内和国际矿业巨头给她的社区带来了经济机会,但广大居民还在遭受水电短缺的困扰。

随着新政府今年上台,在如何开采锂资源的问题上,智利正处于一个十字路口。据业内专家介绍,作为仅次于澳大利亚的世界第二大锂生产国,智利的锂开采政策将直接影响到全球电动汽车的生产和采用。

“在决定我们能以多快的速度在全球推出电动汽车方面,智利扮演着非常重要的角色。”矿产供应价格报告机构基准矿业(Benchmark Minerals)的高级分析师卡梅伦•珀克斯(Cameron Perks)指出。

智利的新政府

事实上,阿塔卡马地区的小规模金属矿开采,已经延续了好几个世纪。到20世纪80年代和90年代,在全球需求和奥古斯托·皮诺切特(Augusto Pinochet)政府的亲商政策推动下,该地区的铜和锂开采驶入高速发展轨道。锂业已成为智利经济的重要支柱,尤其是与邻国阿根廷和玻利维亚相比——这两个国家基本上还没有对其巨大储量进行商业化开采。

不过,这种增长在最近几年陷入停滞。智利一直在艰难地增加产量,并竭力维系其在全球市场中的地位。智利目前仅有的两个采矿合同,是与美国矿业巨头雅宝公司(Albemarle)和智利化工矿业公司(SQM)签订的。

2019年,长达数月的抗议活动和残酷镇压让智利陷入动荡。随后的全民公投选出了一组智利人来起草一部新宪法。而这部新宪法可能会极大地改变智利的水权和锂开采政策。现在,一场前所未有的宪法改革进程,以及新当选的左翼总统、现年36岁的加布里埃尔·鲍里克(Gabriel Boric)在未来数月和数年做出的决策,正在决定智利锂矿开采的未来。

今年3月上任的鲍里克已经宣称,智利将奉行更加左翼,更强力的环保政策。他在竞选中提出,到2050年实现净零碳排放,关闭燃煤电厂,并彻底改革国家的水管理系统。不过,他尚未对锂矿开采问题表明坚定立场。

在当选总统后的首次演讲中,鲍里克援引环保主义者使用的一个术语,郑重承诺:“我们不想要更多的‘牺牲区’。我们不想要那些收买、破坏社区,毁掉智利的开采项目。”

他任命的环境部长马萨•罗哈斯(Maisa Rojas),一位初登政坛的顶级气候科学家,正在推动一项旨在引领智利到2050年实现碳中和的法律。它将赋予政府更大的权力来限制排放,包括采矿业的排放。在履新首周,鲍里克签署了联合国的《埃斯卡苏协定》(Escazu Agreement)。这项具有里程碑意义的环境条约,为拉丁美洲和加勒比地区的环境信息获取和环境正义提供了保证。上届政府没有这样做。

此外,对于环保人士的最新建议,新一届政府似乎秉持更开放的态度。国际环保组织自然资源保护委员会(Natural Resources Defense Council, NRDC)最近发布了一份关于南美洲锂矿开采的报告,建议政府确保当地社区的知情同意权,加强采矿作业的环境标准,并投资于锂的其他获取方式,比如回收和“地热提锂”技术。

拉蒙·巴尔卡扎尔(Ramón Balcázar)是NRDC报告的执笔者之一,也是位于圣佩德罗·德·阿塔卡马的安第斯盐滩多国观测站(Plurinational Observatory of Andean Salt Flats)的协调员。他指出,新政府比上届政府更愿意倾听原住民社区的关切。这份报告的建议正在获得更多的关注,尽管相关建议还没有落到实处。

“现在有更多的社区、组织和机构意识到了这个问题。”他指出。

对环境的关切日益增长

随着全球经济的去碳化进程日益迫切,一些人担心,包括玻利维亚和阿根廷在内的所谓“锂三角地区”将遭受脱碳的负面影响——它们将被视为一种必要的,即使是不幸的牺牲品。

锂矿开采的环境副作用包括水源枯竭、丧失生物多样性、扰乱当地生态系统、污染土壤和地下水,等等。电池所用的锂和其他金属,通常是在原住民土地附近开采的。采矿作业会污染水或致使水源干涸、伤害生物多样性,并破坏圣地。

采矿业的反对人士表示,如果不遏制所谓的“肮脏采矿”,清洁能源转型可能会重蹈它寻求取代的化石燃料经济的覆辙。

阿塔卡马沙漠是阿塔卡梅诺斯人数千年来赖以栖息的家园。作为“锂三角”的一部分,这片沙漠蕴藏着世界上的大多数锂资源。除电动汽车之外,锂也是手机和光伏电池的关键材料之一。

智利的锂基本上是在阿塔卡马沙漠盐滩下的卤水中发现的。矿业公司将卤水泵入池塘,让其蒸发数月,以提取这种贵金属。根据智利安托法加斯塔大学(University of Antofagasta)科学家英格丽德·迦瑟斯(Ingrid Garcés)发布的一份报告,在阿塔卡马,生产一吨锂需要耗费2000吨水。最近的一项研究表明,采矿与阿塔卡马地区的火烈鸟数量呈负相关,这可能是地表水下降所致。

锂业公司辩称,卤水不是水,不能饮用或灌溉,但一些研究表明,抽取卤水会影响淡水供应。

“我们现在处于一个错误的选择框架中,似乎非得在清洁能源和‘肮脏采矿’之间做出选择。在我看来,其实完全没必要这样做。”华盛顿非政府环保组织Earthworks的采矿项目主任帕亚尔·桑帕特(Payal Sampat)说。

不断增长的需求

随着世界为过渡到可再生能源和摆脱化石燃料设定了雄心勃勃的目标,锂的市场需求持续走高。但环保人士警告称,向可再生能源系统过渡所需的许多技术和基础设施有其自身的社会和环境后果。

根据基准矿业提供给《财富》的数据,2021年的全球供需缺口高达6.3万吨。该数据显示,到2030年,全球的锂需求预计将增长到四倍以上,其中越来越多的需求来自电动汽车。

美国和欧盟有意开发锂矿,但这些计划开始遭遇随之而来的反对。随着全球锂供应陷入短缺荒,矿业公司急于增加这种金属的产量,以满足不断暴涨的需求。

一些环保组织对这些预测提出质疑,声称目前的清洁能源投资并没有让增加采矿成为必要之举——而且认为不应该这样做。

常驻犹他州的地下水和采矿顾问史蒂文·艾默曼(Steven Emerman)表示,除非矿业公司得到原住民社区的知情同意,否则就应该缩减锂产量。

“我想说的是,如果不能以一种符合人权的方式开采锂矿,这种能源转型就需要进行一些反思。”他指出。

华盛顿零排放运输协会(Zero Emission Transportation Association)执行主任乔·布里顿(Joe Britton)表示,尽管社区参与和部落协商至关重要,但锂矿开采是脱碳过程中避不开的一环。

“没有关键矿物质的支持,就不存在所谓的净零经济。我们根本就不可能实现净零排放目标。”他说,“所以我认为一些团体的态度非常虚伪。他们一方面以极其强硬的语气宣扬净零经济的必要性,但同时又反对我们为实现这一目标所必须付出的种种努力。”

修宪提议

智利宪法草案的最新版本将于9月付诸表决。该草案将扩大原住民地区的环境权利和自治权。

普罗维登斯学院(Providence College)专门研究绿色技术和锂提取的政治学教授西娅·里奥弗朗索斯(Thea Riofrancos)表示,一旦获得通过,新宪法将跻身“世界上最进步的宪法”之列。

拟纳入新宪法草案的观点包括自然权利、动物权利、环境信息权、参与环境决策的权利,并让水成为一种公共品——这与皮诺切特时代的水资源私有化截然相反。

修宪会议已经批准了一些条款,包括要求矿业公司为修复采矿破坏的环境买单,禁止在冰川和其他保护区采矿,保证农民和原住民拥有安全获取能源的权利,保护海洋和大气。然而,一项有争议的条款,即扩大国家对矿场的所有权,被否决了。

“我认为全世界都应该关注智利。”里奥弗朗索斯说。(财富中文网)

译者:任文科

Rosa Ramos remembers the town of San Pedro de Atacama before the lithium mining boom. She recalls the northern Chilean desert as a “world apart” back then: Most people herded cattle and sheep, going up to the mountains in the summer and out to the salt flats in the winter.

That was until mining arrived in the 1980s. It was grueling work, but people started to earn higher salaries that allowed them to build nicer houses, swap donkeys for cars, and seek education beyond secondary school.

After leaving San Pedro as a teenager to attend school and eventually receive a degree in tourism, Ramos returned with a new outlook. As she watched the increasing number of mines dotting the landscape, she struggled to reconcile the economic opportunities both domestic and international mining giants brought to her community while its own people continued to suffer water and electricity shortages.

With a new government in power this year, Chile is now at a crossroads when it comes to how its lithium resources will be mined. As the world’s second largest producer of lithium after Australia, Chile’s lithium mining policies will have a direct impact on global electric vehicle production and adoption according to industry experts.

“Chile is a very important player in determining how fast we can roll out electric vehicles globally,” says Cameron Perks, a senior analyst at Benchmark Minerals, a price reporting agency in mineral supplies.

Chile’s new government

While small-scale metal mining has existed in the Atacama region for centuries, copper and lithium mining saw a boom in the 1980s and 1990s due to global demand and the business-friendly policies of Augusto Pinochet. Lithium became a major part of the economy, especially compared to its neighbors Argentina and Bolivia, which generally have not commercialized their massive reserves.

That growth has stagnated in recent years and Chile has struggled to increase production and maintain its role in the global marketplace. Currently the only two mining contracts in Chile are with the U.S. mining company Albemarle and the Chilean mining company SQM.

Months of protests and a brutal crackdown that roiled the country in 2019 resulted in a national referendum that elected a group of Chileans to write a new constitution, which could significantly alter Chile's water rights and lithium policy. Now, the future of lithium mining is being determined through an unprecedented constitutional reform process and the decisions that the country’s new 36-year old left-wing president Gabriel Boric will make in the coming months and years.

Boric, who took office in March, has signaled that Chile is moving in a more leftist, environmentally proactive direction. He campaigned on net zero carbon emissions by 2050, shutting down coal-fired plants and overhauling the country’s water management system. However, he has yet to stake out a firm position on lithium mining.

“We don't want more ‘sacrifice zones.’ We don't want projects that destroy our Chile, that buy and destroy communities,” Boric promised in his first speech as president-elect, referencing a term used by environmentalists.

Maisa Rojas, his environmental minister, is a top climate scientist and political newcomer who is spearheading a law to commit Chile to carbon neutrality by 2050. It would give the government more power to cap emissions, including for the mining sector. In his first week in office, Boric signed the United Nations' Escazu Agreement, a landmark environmental treaty that guarantees access to information and environmental justice in Latin America and the Caribbean. The previous government had held back from doing so.

The incoming government also appears to be more open to environmentalists' latest recommendations. A recent report on lithium mining in South America from the Natural Resources Defense Council, an international environmental organization, recommended ensuring informed consent of local communities, strengthening environmental standards for mining operations and investing in alternative ways to obtain lithium like recycling and geothermal direct lithium extraction.

Ramón Balcázar, one of the co-authors of the NRDC report and coordinator of the Plurinational Observatory of Andean Salt Flats in San Pedro de Atacama, also says that the new government is more receptive to the concerns of indigenous communities compared to their predecessors. He sees the report’s recommendations attracting more attention, although they have not yet been implemented.

“There are many more communities, organizations and institutions that have awareness on this issue today,” he notes.

Growing environmental concerns

In the urgent push to decarbonize the global economy, some fear that regions like the so-called lithium triangle that includes Bolivia and Argentina will suffer the negative effects of decarbonization — that they will be seen as a necessary if unfortunate tradeoff.

Environmental side effects of lithium mining can include depleted water sources, loss of biodiversity, disturbance to local ecosystems, and contaminated soil and groundwater. Lithium and other metals used for electric batteries are often mined near indigenous lands, and mining operations contaminate or dry up water, hurt biodiversity and damage sacred land.

Mining opponents say that the clean energy transition could be on track to replicate the same mistakes of the fossil fuel economy that it seeks to replace if the practice of so-called “dirty mining” is not curbed.

The Atacama desert, home to the Atacameños people for thousands of years, is part of the lithium triangle, home to most of the world’s lithium resources — one of the key materials also used in electric batteries found in cell phones and solar panels.

Much of Chile’s lithium is found in the brines beneath the Atacama desert’s salt flats or salares. Mining operators pump this brine water into ponds and let it evaporate over many months to extract the valuable metal. In the Atacama, it takes 2,000 tons of water to produce one ton of lithium, according to a report from Ingrid Garcés, a scientist at Chile’s University of Antofagasta. One recent study showed that mining was negatively correlated with flamingo populations in the Atacama, potentially due to declining surface water.

Lithium companies argue that brine is not water, and can’t be used for drinking or irrigation, but some research suggests that brine pumping affects freshwater supply.

“I think it is framed as a false choice, currently, that we would have to choose between clean energy and dirty mining, we absolutely don't need to be making that choice,” says Payal Sampat, the mining program director at the Washington D.C. based environmental NGO Earthworks.

Growing demand

While lithium is increasingly in high demand as the world sets ambitious goals for the transition to renewable energy and away from fossil fuels, environmental advocates warn many of the technologies and infrastructures needed to transition to a renewable energy system have their own social and environmental consequences.

Data provided to Fortune from Benchmark Minerals shows demand outpacing supply globally by 63,000 tons in 2021. That data shows that demand is expected to increase more than four-fold by 2030 with an ever-increasing majority coming from electric vehicles.

As the U.S. and E.U. are looking to open up lithium mines and are beginning to encounter the backlash that goes along with them, mining companies are eager to increase lithium production to meet an exploding demand amidst a global shortage of the metal.

Some environmentalist groups dispute these projections, arguing current clean energy investments don’t necessitate increased mining — and don’t think they should.

Steven Emerman, a Utah-based groundwater and mining consultant, said that lithium production should be scaled back unless companies get the informed consent of indigenous communities.

“If you can't mine lithium in such a way that's consistent with human rights, I would say that this energy transition needs some rethinking,” he notes.

Joe Britton, executive director of the Zero Emission Transportation Association in D.C., says that while community engagement and tribal consultation are crucial, lithium mining is an inevitable part of decarbonization.

“Without critical minerals… a net-zero economy does not exist. It is impossible for us to achieve,” he says. “So I think there's some hypocrisy in the sense that some groups are very, very strident about the necessity of a net-zero economy but at the very same time are going to oppose all the things that we need to do to get there.”

Proposed changes

The latest version of Chile’s constitutional draft, which would expand environmental rights and increase autonomy for indigenous territories, will be put to a vote in September.

If it passes, the new constitution would be among “the most progressive in the world,” says Thea Riofrancos, a political science professor at Providence College who specializes in green technology and lithium extraction.

Among ideas up for inclusion in the draft are the rights of nature, the rights of animals, rights to environmental information and participation in environmental decision making, and making water a public good — a reversal from the water privatization of the Pinochet era.

The constitutional assembly has already approved provisions that would require miners to pay to repair environmental damage where mining takes place, ban mining in glaciers and other protected areas, and guarantee farmers and indigenous people the right to safe energy access, protection of oceans and the atmosphere. However, a controversial provision that would have expanded state ownership over mines was rejected.

“I think the world should be watching Chile,” says Riofrancos.

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