
AI飞行员可在GPS和通信受到干扰时驾驶军用飞机;量子传感器无需卫星信号即可为舰船和飞机导航;3D打印火箭发动机有望使高超音速武器的制造速度更快、成本更低。
这些下一代国防技术并非出自政府实验室或传统国防承包商,而是由民间资本支持的初创企业引领。然而,美国越是将国家安全系于私营部门创新,决策者为创业公司将新技术推向市场制造的障碍反而越多。
多年来,华盛顿对美国日渐受到侵蚀的知识产权体系视若无睹,对于外国对美国倡导的知识产权标准的挑战置若罔闻,也未能纠正那些无意中削弱知识产权权利的有缺陷的司法先例——而知识产权正是推动高科技投资的根本催化剂。
知识产权确保发明未经许可不得被窃取或复制,从而激励发明者承担风险,也鼓励投资者为耗资巨大的研发提供资金。研究表明,知识产权制度更健全的国家往往创新能力更强,而较弱的知识产权制度则可能抑制创新。归根结底,强大的创新经济需要有强大的知识产权体系。
二战期间以及战后,强有力的专利制度推动了美国高科技产业的成长,私营企业家得以围绕联邦科研投入产生的突破性成果,改进技术、推动商业化,进而创办企业。
然而近年来,支撑私营部门创新的知识产权基础设施日渐式微,美国领导者却大多听之任之,甚至在某些方面加速了这一衰退进程。
2010年代,美国最高法院作出一系列裁决,认定某些类型的创新(包括部分先进软件算法)不具备专利资格。这使各界难以判断哪些发明可以获得保护,也让企业更难安心投入研发。
最高法院的另一起案件显著提高了禁令的获得门槛,而长期以来企业正是依靠这类法院命令来制止专利侵权。结果是,许多公司如今无法阻止他人窃取美国知识产权,投资风险随之上升。
几乎在同一时期,美国国会设立了一个负责裁决专利争议的行政机构——专利审判与上诉委员会(Patent Trial and Appeal Board)。该委员会现行规则允许大型成熟企业对创新型初创企业反复发起重复性的专利有效性挑战,令后者深陷成本高昂的诉讼。
与此同时,美国也未能持续投入国际技术标准的制定。这些标准是规范电信等先进互联技术的共同规则。联邦机构之间协调不足,对国际标准制定组织的参与不够,致使美国的竞争对手在技术选择和规则制定中扮演日益突出的角色,而美国高科技创新企业也不得不遵守这些规则。
知识产权保护的削弱,使高度依赖风险投资的美国初创企业,更难获得提升国家国防能力所需的投资,同时也使小企业的知识产权更容易遭到大企业侵害。当这些大型企业与外国对手存在关联时,这种风险尤为严峻。
令人遗憾的是,美国国会中仍有不少议员对改革持反对态度。这些改革旨在加强美国知识产权体系、纠正过去几十年的政策失误,相关法案包括《恢复专利权法案》(RESTORE Patent Rights Act)、《PREVAIL法案》(PREVAIL Act)以及《专利资格恢复法案》(Patent Eligibility Restoration Act)。与此同时,美国的竞争对手正在抓住机会,强化自身专利制度。
以中国为例。多年来,中国通过“中国制造2025”和“2035年远景目标”等政策蓝图,制定了全面的战略规划,力图在航空航天、信息技术等多个产业主导全球科技创新。
为支撑其战略目标,中国推进了广泛改革,并明确以加强知识产权保护为目的:设立了专门的知识产权法院,加强知识产权执法,并制定了延续至2035年的国家标准化战略。
如今,中国国防领域正从中收获红利。有研究表明,在74项具有战略重要性的关键技术中,中国有66项领先美国,涵盖机器学习和先进计算等领域。
美国领导人在原则上也已认识到,国家的持续安全离不开繁荣的私营部门。特朗普第一届政府发布的《国家安全战略》曾宣称:“经济安全就是国家安全。”
但若缺乏强有力的知识产权保护,美国初创企业就无法保障经济安全和国家安全。要缩小与中国不断扩大的差距,联邦决策者首先必须纠偏既往失当的政策,扭转知识产权生态体系日渐式微的局面。
国会应当明确新兴技术的专利资格标准,保护初创企业免受滥用性、重复性的专利挑战,确保企业获得禁令救济的可靠途径,从而将仿冒者拒于美国市场门外。联邦决策者还必须持续投入资源,推动美国在国际标准制定中保持领导地位,并保护支撑这些标准的专利权。
美国的国家安全系于那些致力于研发未来技术的初创企业。若美国领导者希望抵御21世纪的威胁,就必须从切实保护这些初创企业在本土的知识产权着手。(财富中文网)
本文作者安德烈·扬库曾于2018年至2021年任美国商务部知识产权事务副部长兼美国专利商标局(U.S. Patent and Trademark Office)局长,现任创新促进委员会(Council for Innovation Promotion)的联合创始人兼联合主席。克里斯·英格利斯曾任美国国家网络总监。
Fortune.com上发表的评论文章中表达的观点,仅代表作者本人的观点,不代表《财富》杂志的观点和立场。
译者:刘进龙
审校:汪皓
AI飞行员可在GPS和通信受到干扰时驾驶军用飞机;量子传感器无需卫星信号即可为舰船和飞机导航;3D打印火箭发动机有望使高超音速武器的制造速度更快、成本更低。
这些下一代国防技术并非出自政府实验室或传统国防承包商,而是由民间资本支持的初创企业引领。然而,美国越是将国家安全系于私营部门创新,决策者为创业公司将新技术推向市场制造的障碍反而越多。
多年来,华盛顿对美国日渐受到侵蚀的知识产权体系视若无睹,对于外国对美国倡导的知识产权标准的挑战置若罔闻,也未能纠正那些无意中削弱知识产权权利的有缺陷的司法先例——而知识产权正是推动高科技投资的根本催化剂。
知识产权确保发明未经许可不得被窃取或复制,从而激励发明者承担风险,也鼓励投资者为耗资巨大的研发提供资金。研究表明,知识产权制度更健全的国家往往创新能力更强,而较弱的知识产权制度则可能抑制创新。归根结底,强大的创新经济需要有强大的知识产权体系。
二战期间以及战后,强有力的专利制度推动了美国高科技产业的成长,私营企业家得以围绕联邦科研投入产生的突破性成果,改进技术、推动商业化,进而创办企业。
然而近年来,支撑私营部门创新的知识产权基础设施日渐式微,美国领导者却大多听之任之,甚至在某些方面加速了这一衰退进程。
2010年代,美国最高法院作出一系列裁决,认定某些类型的创新(包括部分先进软件算法)不具备专利资格。这使各界难以判断哪些发明可以获得保护,也让企业更难安心投入研发。
最高法院的另一起案件显著提高了禁令的获得门槛,而长期以来企业正是依靠这类法院命令来制止专利侵权。结果是,许多公司如今无法阻止他人窃取美国知识产权,投资风险随之上升。
几乎在同一时期,美国国会设立了一个负责裁决专利争议的行政机构——专利审判与上诉委员会(Patent Trial and Appeal Board)。该委员会现行规则允许大型成熟企业对创新型初创企业反复发起重复性的专利有效性挑战,令后者深陷成本高昂的诉讼。
与此同时,美国也未能持续投入国际技术标准的制定。这些标准是规范电信等先进互联技术的共同规则。联邦机构之间协调不足,对国际标准制定组织的参与不够,致使美国的竞争对手在技术选择和规则制定中扮演日益突出的角色,而美国高科技创新企业也不得不遵守这些规则。
知识产权保护的削弱,使高度依赖风险投资的美国初创企业,更难获得提升国家国防能力所需的投资,同时也使小企业的知识产权更容易遭到大企业侵害。当这些大型企业与外国对手存在关联时,这种风险尤为严峻。
令人遗憾的是,美国国会中仍有不少议员对改革持反对态度。这些改革旨在加强美国知识产权体系、纠正过去几十年的政策失误,相关法案包括《恢复专利权法案》(RESTORE Patent Rights Act)、《PREVAIL法案》(PREVAIL Act)以及《专利资格恢复法案》(Patent Eligibility Restoration Act)。与此同时,美国的竞争对手正在抓住机会,强化自身专利制度。
以中国为例。多年来,中国通过“中国制造2025”和“2035年远景目标”等政策蓝图,制定了全面的战略规划,力图在航空航天、信息技术等多个产业主导全球科技创新。
为支撑其战略目标,中国推进了广泛改革,并明确以加强知识产权保护为目的:设立了专门的知识产权法院,加强知识产权执法,并制定了延续至2035年的国家标准化战略。
如今,中国国防领域正从中收获红利。有研究表明,在74项具有战略重要性的关键技术中,中国有66项领先美国,涵盖机器学习和先进计算等领域。
美国领导人在原则上也已认识到,国家的持续安全离不开繁荣的私营部门。特朗普第一届政府发布的《国家安全战略》曾宣称:“经济安全就是国家安全。”
但若缺乏强有力的知识产权保护,美国初创企业就无法保障经济安全和国家安全。要缩小与中国不断扩大的差距,联邦决策者首先必须纠偏既往失当的政策,扭转知识产权生态体系日渐式微的局面。
国会应当明确新兴技术的专利资格标准,保护初创企业免受滥用性、重复性的专利挑战,确保企业获得禁令救济的可靠途径,从而将仿冒者拒于美国市场门外。联邦决策者还必须持续投入资源,推动美国在国际标准制定中保持领导地位,并保护支撑这些标准的专利权。
美国的国家安全系于那些致力于研发未来技术的初创企业。若美国领导者希望抵御21世纪的威胁,就必须从切实保护这些初创企业在本土的知识产权着手。(财富中文网)
本文作者安德烈·扬库曾于2018年至2021年任美国商务部知识产权事务副部长兼美国专利商标局(U.S. Patent and Trademark Office)局长,现任创新促进委员会(Council for Innovation Promotion)的联合创始人兼联合主席。克里斯·英格利斯曾任美国国家网络总监。
Fortune.com上发表的评论文章中表达的观点,仅代表作者本人的观点,不代表《财富》杂志的观点和立场。
译者:刘进龙
审校:汪皓
AI pilots that can fly military aircraft when GPS and communications are jammed. Quantum sensors that can guide ships and aircraft without satellite signals. 3D-printed rocket engines that could make hypersonic weapons faster and less expensive to produce.
These next-generation defense technologies are being pioneered not by government laboratories or traditional defense contractors, but by privately financed startups. Yet even as America increasingly bets its security on private-sector innovation, its leaders have made it harder than ever for entrepreneurial companies to bring new technologies to market.
For years, Washington has neglected America’s eroding intellectual property system, ignored foreign challenges to U.S.-backed IP standards, and failed to correct flawed judicial precedents that inadvertently weakened IP rights — the fundamental catalysts of high-tech investment.
IP rights ensure that inventions can’t be stolen or copied without permission, creating incentives for inventors to take risks and for investors to fund expensive research. Studies have shown that countries with stronger IP systems tend to be more innovative, while weaker IP systems may stifle innovation. In essence, a strong innovation economy requires a strong IP system.
During and after World War II, strong patents fueled the growth of America’s high-tech industries, empowering private entrepreneurs to refine, commercialize, and build companies around the breakthroughs that emerged from federal research investments.
Yet in recent years, U.S. leaders have stood by as the IP infrastructure that undergirds private-sector innovation has crumbled. In some ways, they’ve even accelerated its decline.
In the 2010s, a series of Supreme Court decisions deemed certain categories of innovation — including some advanced software algorithms — ineligible for patenting. That has created broad confusion about which inventions qualify for protection, making it harder for companies to invest confidently in research and development.
Another Supreme Court case made injunctions — the court orders that companies historically relied on to halt patent infringement — significantly harder to secure. That has left many companies unable to stop the theft of American IP and made investment riskier.
Around the same time, Congress established the Patent Trial and Appeal Board, an administrative body that adjudicates patent disputes. The board’s current rules allow the big established companies to harass innovative startups with repeated, duplicative patent validity challenges, burying them in costly litigation.
And the United States has also failed to invest consistently in international technical standards — the common rules governing advanced and interconnected technologies such as telecommunications. Poor coordination among federal agencies and insufficient engagement with international standard-setting organizations have allowed America’s rivals to play an increasingly prominent role in choosing the technologies and shaping the rules that America’s high-tech innovators must abide by.
The erosion of IP rights has made it much harder for U.S. startups, which rely heavily on venture capital funding, to secure the investment they need to enhance our country’s defense capabilities. It has also left small companies vulnerable to IP theft by larger firms — a particularly potent risk when those firms are affiliated with foreign adversaries.
Unfortunately, many in Congress still oppose reforms — such as the RESTORE Patent Rights Act, the PREVAIL Act, and the Patent Eligibility Restoration Act — that would strengthen America’s IP system and undo the mistakes of recent decades. Meanwhile, America’s rivals are seizing the opportunity to strengthen their own patent systems.
Take China as an example. Across years of policy blueprints — including its “Made in China 2025” and “Vision 2035” frameworks — Beijing has outlined a comprehensive plan to dominate global technological innovation in industries from aerospace to information technology.
China has backed its ambitions with extensive reforms that are explicitly meant to strengthen intellectual property protections. It has established specialized intellectual property courts, strengthened intellectual property enforcement, and adopted a national standardization strategy extending through 2035.
Now China’s defense sector is reaping the rewards. According to one study, China leads America in 66 of 74 strategically vital technologies, including forms of machine learning and advanced computing.
U.S. leaders recognize, in principle, that America’s continued security hinges on a thriving private sector. The first Trump administration’s National Security Strategy declared that “economic security is national security.”
But America’s startups cannot protect our economic or national security without strong IP rights. To close the growing gap with China, federal policymakers must first reverse the ill-advised policies that have undermined our IP ecosystem.
Congress should clarify patent eligibility for emerging technologies, protect startups from abusive and duplicative patent challenges, and restore reliable access to injunctions so that copycats can be excluded from U.S. markets. Federal policymakers must also devote sustained resources to promoting American leadership in international standards development and defending the patent rights underlying those standards.
America’s national security depends on the startups developing the technologies of the future. If U.S. leaders want to defend the country against 21st-century threats, they must begin by defending those startups’ intellectual property here at home.
The opinions expressed in Fortune.com commentary pieces are solely the views of their authors and do not necessarily reflect the opinions and beliefs of Fortune.