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AI竞争胜负看基建而非模型

Alex Capri
2026-08-10

未来全球可能形成相互竞争的AI生态。

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只要美国掌控着支撑AI生态系统的底层基础设施,就能保持领先地位。图片来源:Getty Images

全球围绕AI的辩论往往聚焦模型,哪个模型更快、哪个功能更强、哪个成本更低。随着DeepSeek、智谱AI和月之暗面等中国低成本模型崛起,关注点被进一步放大,不少观点认为中美之间的差距似乎逐步缩小。

然而,性能出色价格低廉的AI模型崛起转移了人们对基本事实的注意力,即只要美国掌控着支撑AI生态系统的底层基础设施,就能保持领先地位。

外界很容易将AI竞赛当成不同模型之间的比拼,例如Anthropic的Fable或OpenAI的GPT,对阵DeepSeek V4或月之暗面的Kimi K3。或是从硬件层面,关注点集中在用于训练和运行模型的AI芯片上。

但前沿AI依赖更广泛,资本密集度更高的系统,包括超大规模数据中心、云计算基础设施、AI服务器,以及连接各项设施的海底光纤电缆等。如今,这些支撑性硬件极易受到美国出口管制、域外数据提取法案以及庞大的军民共生体系溢出效应影响。

英伟达AI生态与美国科技霸权

若想理解美国如何主导AI生态,不妨看看英伟达的商业模式。全球市值最高的英伟达强大的原因是图形处理器,也就是训练前沿AI模型必需的芯片,英伟达控制了全球约85%的市场份额。

英伟达的生态辐射至博通等硬件制造商,以及亚马逊AWS、谷歌云和微软Azure等超大规模云服务商,这些厂商为Anthropic、OpenAI、Meta和Alphabet等基础AI开发者提供算力支撑。

真正串联起整个生态的是英伟达名叫CUDA的软件层。CUDA已成为AI开发的默认环境,任何企业若想转向竞争对手,都要承担极高成本。

众多科技巨头共同构成了全新的美国AI军工复合体,通过大型绑定合同,与美国国防和情报体系建立了广泛联系。美国国防部已签署标准运营协议,接入谷歌、OpenAI、微软、亚马逊AWS、甲骨文和英伟达等主要供应商,将前沿AI工具部署到机密军事网络中。

2027财年,美国国防部预算中为自主作战和无人机系统拨款超过540亿美元,资助新成立的国防自主作战工作组(DAWG)。尽管OpenAI、xAI和谷歌早期曾对技术使用方式提出异议,如今都已签署具有约束力的合同,允许国防部出于国防目的“合法使用”各项技术,包括自主武器和大规模监控。

Anthropic就AI模型可能被使用的异议持续起诉美国政府,然而据报道,该公司已派工程师进驻国家安全局,调整其Mythos模型用于进攻性网络行动。

美国政府与硅谷之间军民共生的规模几乎难以想象。按市值计算,全球市值前十的公司恰恰就是构成这一生态系统的科技企业,几乎全是美国公司,形成数万亿美元的商业产业。布鲁金斯学会(Brookings Institution)称,美国政府正持续加码AI支出,仅2026年联邦层面AI合同就激增了907亿美元。

AI超大规模云服务商与实体基础设施

美国超大规模云服务商在全球范围内扩建数据中心,不断自建私有海底光缆网络。Meta计划建造长达4万公里环绕全球的海底光纤电缆,预计耗资100亿美元。谷歌则通过太平洋联通计划,斥资超过10亿美元进一步改善与日本和南太平洋地区的数字连接。

由硅谷科技巨头拥有和运营的关键数据管道,占据了2026年可用海底电缆的70%,而美国政府仍保留限制网络走向及访问权限的权利。

即使中国前沿实验室在本土基础设施上训练,只要其模型触及全球互联网,不管是抓取训练数据还是为境外用户提供服务及运行API,就依然依赖美国的海底电缆。

为摆脱对美国主导的全球AI硬基础设施依赖,降低长期暴露于其中的风险,中国正沿着所谓“数字丝绸之路”加紧铺设平行的海底光纤网络。

AI超大规模云服务商还容易受一系列美国数据相关域外法律的约束。例如,美国《云法案》(CLOUD Act)要求总部位于美国的云服务提供商提供其拥有、保管或控制的数据,即使数据存储在美国境外。

依据法律程序,美国当局不仅可以获取存储的数据,还能获取AI活动的详细数字轨迹,包括用户提示词、模型回复、操作人员身份、访问时间地点,以及揭示行为模式的技术记录等。如果美国政府选择行使相关权力,将对AI生态施加巨大的影响力。

美国AI生态主导地位的局限性

诚然,美国在AI技术栈中的主导地位并非绝对。亚洲厂商制造半导体、AI服务器和其他关键组件。例如,英伟达的供应链就贯穿台积电、SK海力士和三星,以及富士康、广达和纬创等系统集成商。

上个月,英伟达首席执行官黄仁勋宣布在中国台湾省和韩国价值数十亿美元的新投资和协议。在中国台湾省,英伟达向台积电订购先进芯片和封装服务,向广达电脑等公司订购服务器和网络硬件。在韩国,英伟达与存储芯片制造商SK海力士和三星签署数十亿美元的协议,与LG、现代汽车集团和斗山机器人(Doosan Robotics)建立新合作关系。

但中国台湾省和韩国不太可能将自身在AI价值链中的地位武器化,更倾向于在本质上上属于“友岸外包”的美国技术栈中维持收益。

未来全球可能形成相互竞争的AI生态,一套由美国主导,另一套由中国主导。二者在标准、基础设施和治理模式上存在差异。

但在新体系成型前,美国仍将牢牢掌控着更广泛的AI生态主导权。(财富中文网)

作者亚历克斯·卡普里(Alex Capri)是《技术民族主义:如何重塑贸易、地缘政治与社会》(Wiley出版社)一书作者。他曾任企业高管,目前在新加坡国立大学任教。

Fortune.com上评论文章中表达的观点仅代表作者个人观点,并不代表《财富》杂志的观点和立场。

译者:梁宇

审校:夏林

全球围绕AI的辩论往往聚焦模型,哪个模型更快、哪个功能更强、哪个成本更低。随着DeepSeek、智谱AI和月之暗面等中国低成本模型崛起,关注点被进一步放大,不少观点认为中美之间的差距似乎逐步缩小。

然而,性能出色价格低廉的AI模型崛起转移了人们对基本事实的注意力,即只要美国掌控着支撑AI生态系统的底层基础设施,就能保持领先地位。

外界很容易将AI竞赛当成不同模型之间的比拼,例如Anthropic的Fable或OpenAI的GPT,对阵DeepSeek V4或月之暗面的Kimi K3。或是从硬件层面,关注点集中在用于训练和运行模型的AI芯片上。

但前沿AI依赖更广泛,资本密集度更高的系统,包括超大规模数据中心、云计算基础设施、AI服务器,以及连接各项设施的海底光纤电缆等。如今,这些支撑性硬件极易受到美国出口管制、域外数据提取法案以及庞大的军民共生体系溢出效应影响。

英伟达AI生态与美国科技霸权

若想理解美国如何主导AI生态,不妨看看英伟达的商业模式。全球市值最高的英伟达强大的原因是图形处理器,也就是训练前沿AI模型必需的芯片,英伟达控制了全球约85%的市场份额。

英伟达的生态辐射至博通等硬件制造商,以及亚马逊AWS、谷歌云和微软Azure等超大规模云服务商,这些厂商为Anthropic、OpenAI、Meta和Alphabet等基础AI开发者提供算力支撑。

真正串联起整个生态的是英伟达名叫CUDA的软件层。CUDA已成为AI开发的默认环境,任何企业若想转向竞争对手,都要承担极高成本。

众多科技巨头共同构成了全新的美国AI军工复合体,通过大型绑定合同,与美国国防和情报体系建立了广泛联系。美国国防部已签署标准运营协议,接入谷歌、OpenAI、微软、亚马逊AWS、甲骨文和英伟达等主要供应商,将前沿AI工具部署到机密军事网络中。

2027财年,美国国防部预算中为自主作战和无人机系统拨款超过540亿美元,资助新成立的国防自主作战工作组(DAWG)。尽管OpenAI、xAI和谷歌早期曾对技术使用方式提出异议,如今都已签署具有约束力的合同,允许国防部出于国防目的“合法使用”各项技术,包括自主武器和大规模监控。

Anthropic就AI模型可能被使用的异议持续起诉美国政府,然而据报道,该公司已派工程师进驻国家安全局,调整其Mythos模型用于进攻性网络行动。

美国政府与硅谷之间军民共生的规模几乎难以想象。按市值计算,全球市值前十的公司恰恰就是构成这一生态系统的科技企业,几乎全是美国公司,形成数万亿美元的商业产业。布鲁金斯学会(Brookings Institution)称,美国政府正持续加码AI支出,仅2026年联邦层面AI合同就激增了907亿美元。

AI超大规模云服务商与实体基础设施

美国超大规模云服务商在全球范围内扩建数据中心,不断自建私有海底光缆网络。Meta计划建造长达4万公里环绕全球的海底光纤电缆,预计耗资100亿美元。谷歌则通过太平洋联通计划,斥资超过10亿美元进一步改善与日本和南太平洋地区的数字连接。

由硅谷科技巨头拥有和运营的关键数据管道,占据了2026年可用海底电缆的70%,而美国政府仍保留限制网络走向及访问权限的权利。

即使中国前沿实验室在本土基础设施上训练,只要其模型触及全球互联网,不管是抓取训练数据还是为境外用户提供服务及运行API,就依然依赖美国的海底电缆。

为摆脱对美国主导的全球AI硬基础设施依赖,降低长期暴露于其中的风险,中国正沿着所谓“数字丝绸之路”加紧铺设平行的海底光纤网络。

AI超大规模云服务商还容易受一系列美国数据相关域外法律的约束。例如,美国《云法案》(CLOUD Act)要求总部位于美国的云服务提供商提供其拥有、保管或控制的数据,即使数据存储在美国境外。

依据法律程序,美国当局不仅可以获取存储的数据,还能获取AI活动的详细数字轨迹,包括用户提示词、模型回复、操作人员身份、访问时间地点,以及揭示行为模式的技术记录等。如果美国政府选择行使相关权力,将对AI生态施加巨大的影响力。

美国AI生态主导地位的局限性

诚然,美国在AI技术栈中的主导地位并非绝对。亚洲厂商制造半导体、AI服务器和其他关键组件。例如,英伟达的供应链就贯穿台积电、SK海力士和三星,以及富士康、广达和纬创等系统集成商。

上个月,英伟达首席执行官黄仁勋宣布在中国台湾省和韩国价值数十亿美元的新投资和协议。在中国台湾省,英伟达向台积电订购先进芯片和封装服务,向广达电脑等公司订购服务器和网络硬件。在韩国,英伟达与存储芯片制造商SK海力士和三星签署数十亿美元的协议,与LG、现代汽车集团和斗山机器人(Doosan Robotics)建立新合作关系。

但中国台湾省和韩国不太可能将自身在AI价值链中的地位武器化,更倾向于在本质上上属于“友岸外包”的美国技术栈中维持收益。

未来全球可能形成相互竞争的AI生态,一套由美国主导,另一套由中国主导。二者在标准、基础设施和治理模式上存在差异。

但在新体系成型前,美国仍将牢牢掌控着更广泛的AI生态主导权。(财富中文网)

作者亚历克斯·卡普里(Alex Capri)是《技术民族主义:如何重塑贸易、地缘政治与社会》(Wiley出版社)一书作者。他曾任企业高管,目前在新加坡国立大学任教。

Fortune.com上评论文章中表达的观点仅代表作者个人观点,并不代表《财富》杂志的观点和立场。

译者:梁宇

审校:夏林

The global AI debate often fixates on models: Which ones are faster, which ones can do more, which ones are cheaper. The prominence of low-cost systems from China, like those from DeepSeek, z.ai, and Moonshot, has sharpened this focus, suggesting a narrowing gap with U.S. leaders.

The rise of these brilliant, cheap AI models diverts attention away from a fundamental truth: So long as the U.S. controls the underlying infrastructure that enables AI ecosystems, it will stay dominant.

It’s tempting to see the AI race as a competition between different models, such as Anthropic’s Fable or OpenAI’s GPT, pitted against DeepSeek V4 or Moonshot’s Kimi K3. Or, from a hardware perspective, we focus on the AI chips used to train and run these models.

But frontier AI depends on a far broader, capital-intensive system: Hyperscale data centers, cloud computing infrastructure, AI servers, and the underwater fiber-optic cables that connect them. Today, these layers of enabling hardware are themselves highly susceptible to American export controls, extraterritorial data extraction laws, and the spillover effects from a massive commercial-military symbiosis.

Nvidia’s AI ecosystem and American tech hegemony

If you want to understand how the U.S. dominates the AI ecosystem, look at Nvidia’s business model. The world’s most valuable company owes its strength to its graphics processing units, the chips required to train frontier AI models, of which it controls roughly 85% of the global market.

Nvidia’s ecosystem stretches to include hardware manufacturers like Broadcom, and cloud hyperscalers—Amazon Web Services, Google Cloud, and Microsoft Azure—which provide the infrastructure that powers foundational AI developers such as Anthropic, OpenAI, Meta, and Alphabet.

It’s Nvidia’s software layer, known as CUDA, that binds everything together. CUDA has become the default environment for AI development, creating high switching costs for anyone that wants to shift to a competitor.

This mishmash of tech giants is, in fact, the heart of a new U.S. AI industrial complex. They boast extensive ties to America’s defense and intelligence establishment through large binding contracts. The Department of Defense has signed standard operational agreements tapping major providers—including Google, OpenAI, Microsoft, Amazon Web Services, Oracle, and Nvidia—to deploy their frontier AI tools onto classified military networks.

The Pentagon’s FY2027 budget earmarks more than $54 billion for autonomous warfare and drone systems, funding a newly formed Defense Autonomous Warfare Group (DAWG). Despite early objections about how their technologies should be used, OpenAI, xAI, and Google have signed binding contracts that allow the Pentagon ‘all lawful use’ for defense-related purposes—including for autonomous weapons and mass surveillance.

Even as Anthropic continues litigation against the U.S. government regarding its objections to how its AI models may be used, it reportedly has embedded its engineers inside the National Security Agency to adapt its Mythos model for offensive cyber operations, possibly aimed at networks in China and Iran.

The scale of the commercial-military symbiosis between Washington and Silicon Valley is almost incomprehensible. Ten of the world’s largest companies by market cap are the very tech firms that make up this ecosystem, nearly all American, representing a commercial concentration in the trillions of dollars. Washington is racing to spend more money on AI, with a $90.7 billion surge in federal AI contracting in 2026 alone, according to the Brookings Institution.

AI hyperscalers and hard infrastructure

As American cloud hyperscalers expand capacity at data centers around the world, they are increasingly building their own privately owned subsea fiber optic networks. Meta plans to build an around-the-world fiber-optic subsea cable, covering 40,000 kilometers, with a projected cost of $10 billion. Google, through its Pacific Connect Initiative, will spend over $1 billion to further connect Japan to the South Pacific.

These vital data pipelines, owned and operated by Silicon Valley tech giants, account for 70 % of usable undersea cables in 2026, yet Washington retains the right to restrict where these networks go and who has access. In 2020, U.S. regulators blocked the Hong Kong segment of the Pacific Light Cable Network—a project backed by Google and Meta—forcing the companies to abandon the direct U.S.-Hong Kong link over Chinese espionage concerns. Some 13,000 kilometers of already laid cable was abandoned, left unused on the ocean floor.

Even China’s frontier labs, training on domestically-hosted infrastructure, remain dependent on American undersea cables wherever their models touch the global internet — sourcing training data scraped from it, or serving users and running APIs outside China.

China is rushing to build its own parallel undersea fiber optic networks, along its so-called digital silk road, as it aims to avoid reliance and prolonged exposure to American dominance of the numerous layers of hard infrastructure that supports the global AI landscape.

AI hyperscalers are also vulnerable to a host of U.S. data-related extraterritorial laws. The U.S. CLOUD Act, for example, requires U.S.-headquartered cloud providers to produce data within their possession, custody or control, even when stored outside the United States.

Subject to legal processes, U.S. authorities may obtain not only stored data but also a detailed digital trail of AI activity—including users’ prompts, models’ responses, who used a system, when and where it was accessed, and technical records revealing behavioral patterns. Such power, should Washington choose to use, exerts incredible leverage on the AI ecosystem.

Limitations of the U.S.’s AI ecosystem dominance

It’s true that the U.S.’s dominance of the AI stack isn’t absolute. Manufacturers in Asia produce the semiconductors, AI servers, and other essential components for AI. Nvidia’s supply chain, for instance, runs through TSMC, SK Hynix, and Samsung, alongside system integrators such as Foxconn, Quanta, and Wistron.

Last month, Nvidia CEO Jensen Huang announced billions of dollars in new investments and contracts in Taiwan and South Korea. In Taiwan, Nvidia ordered advanced chips and packaging from TSMC, along with servers and networking hardware from Quanta Computer and others. In Korea, Nvidia signed billion-dollar deals with memory-chip makers SK Hynix and Samsung, together with new tie-ups with LG, Hyundai Motor Group and Doosan Robotics.

Yet Taiwan and South Korea are unlikely to weaponize their position in the AI value chain. They will want to maintain their earnings in what amounts to a friend-shored U.S. tech stack.

We may end up with competing AI ecosystems: A U.S.-led one, and a China-led one. That may mean different standards, infrastructures, and governance.

But until that alternative emerges, it’ll be the U.S. that keeps a firm grip on the wider AI ecosystem.

Alex Capri is the author of Techno-Nationalism: How its Reshaping Trade, Geopolitics and Society (Wiley). A former executive, he teaches at the National University of Singapore.

The opinions expressed in Fortune.com commentary pieces are solely the views of their authors and do not necessarily reflect the opinions and beliefs of Fortune.

财富中文网所刊载内容之知识产权为财富媒体知识产权有限公司及/或相关权利人专属所有或持有。未经许可,禁止进行转载、摘编、复制及建立镜像等任何使用。
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