
一位重量级经济学家警告称,美国政府38.5万亿美元的国家债务正在扼杀美国梦;如果引发激烈争议的债务危机成为现实,美国可能将面临全面经济萧条。
“美国梦”的破灭被归咎于多重因素。最近,住房存量问题成为焦点,特朗普正着手禁止大型华尔街投资者收购独栋住宅。与此同时,摩根大通(JPMorgan)首席执行官杰米·戴蒙也认为住房是实现“美国梦”的障碍,但教育问题同样严重;他表示,必须让全美年轻人更容易获得机会。
此外,退休、育儿以及用车成本不断攀升,也让许多人认为,只有在银行账户里存有500万美元,才有可能真正实现“美国梦”。
然而,智库美国繁荣基金会(Americans for Prosperity)财政政策高级研究员库尔特·考奇曼指出,许多表象问题最终都指向美国欠债权人的天量债务。仅2025年最后三个月,美国政府就支付了2,760亿美元债务利息;而桥水基金(Bridgewater Associates)创始人雷·达里奥等人则警告,这种利息负担终有一天会挤占政府为维持经济繁荣所需的投资。
在上个月的一次国会听证会上,考奇曼对众议院司法委员会宪法与有限政府小组委员会表示:“不断膨胀的债务可能引发债券市场清算,给美国人民造成严重后果。国会议员们的作为,将决定和平、自由与繁荣这些‘美国梦’的实现条件,是得以存续,还是走向衰退。”
《美国财政民主》(Fiscal Democracy in America)一书的作者考奇曼在接受《财富》杂志电话采访时表示,这种衰退的未来已经初现端倪。考奇曼指出,当前的可负担性危机(实为通胀的代名词)在很大程度上源于疫情初期货币供给的“爆炸式”增长。
考奇曼此前曾在负责任联邦预算委员会(Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget)担任政府事务相关职务。他表示:“我们已经亲历了过度联邦支出和债务带来的通胀效应。现在的问题在于,根据国会预算办公室(Congressional Budget Office)、世界银行(World Bank)以及国际货币基金组织(International Monetary Fund,IMF)等机构的研究,一旦债务负担超过GDP的某个临界值,经济增长就会开始放缓。”
经济学家们担忧的并非债务总量(事实上,政府债务是全球金融市场运转的必要基础),而是债务与GDP的比率,这是衡量一国借债规模与经济增长关系的指标。一旦这一比率过度失衡,支付利息所需的巨额资金就会拖累经济增长。
考奇曼补充道:“这意味着机会减少。现有机会的回报也不如从前。生产率受到压制。”
最坏的情况会成为现实吗?
最坏的情况是爆发债务危机。也就是在某个时刻,美国找不到国债买家,不得不采取以下措施之一:被迫削减支出、为获得贷款而同意支付更高利息,或大幅增加货币供应以降低实际偿债价值。其中,最后一种措施将导致通胀甚至恶性通胀。
考奇曼认为,在这种情况下,“发生衰退的可能性很大,可能是严重衰退甚至大萧条”。他补充说:“全球性的经济不稳定,可能转化为真正的安全风险,甚至威胁我们的政治体系,因为若民众陷入极度绝望,可能会催生某些类型的政治人物。这些因债务负担加剧衍生的挑战,都在冲击美国梦。”
许多观点认为,尽管美国国债问题严重,但它并不会演变为一场真正的危机:毕竟,可以说美国是一个“大而不能倒”的国家,并且拥有足够的内在能力来避免这种局面。
然而,考奇曼指出,虽然经济衰退不可避免(“平均每五年左右就会发生一次,前后可能相差几年,所以衰退迟早会来”),但如果美国能够“在危机来临前借鉴国内外的历史教训并及时调整航向”,就仍有机会避免更严重的后果。
解决之道
改变政府的支出习惯并非易事,至少不存在广受欢迎的解决方案,因而没有当选政客愿意为此承担政治风险。因此,国家债务问题常被形容为“胆小鬼博弈”:每届政府都赌下届政府会接过这个“烫手山芋”。
恢复财政平衡的选项有很多,其中最不受欢迎的无疑是削减支出。更广泛的做法是,联邦政府采用一套用于平衡预算的“财政规则”。这种方式更容易被接受,但效果有限:根据牛津经济研究院(Oxford Economics)对国际货币基金组织120多个国家数据的分析,在采纳财政规则前三年(包括采纳规则当年),“初级财政余额”平均改善幅度约为GDP的1.1%;但在随后的两年里,又会出现同样幅度的恶化。
考奇曼的建议更简单:透明。这位经济学家兼作者的主张,与二百多年前托马斯·杰斐逊对其财政部长提出的要求如出一辙。杰斐逊当时写道:“我们希望联邦的财政状况能像商人的账簿一样清晰明了,使联邦中每一位国会议员、每一位有头脑的人,都能理解它、审查弊端,并据此加以控制。”
考奇曼表示:“为了修复预算,也为了恢复内部民主机制,国会能做的最重要的一件事是制定一份真正的预算,将所有支出和收入都纳入其中,实现全面透明。这样一来,各委员会都能管理好各自的分管领域,届时各方可切实讨论得失权衡、价值评估、必要举措和可舍弃的事项。”(财富中文网)
译者:刘进龙
审校:汪皓
一位重量级经济学家警告称,美国政府38.5万亿美元的国家债务正在扼杀美国梦;如果引发激烈争议的债务危机成为现实,美国可能将面临全面经济萧条。
“美国梦”的破灭被归咎于多重因素。最近,住房存量问题成为焦点,特朗普正着手禁止大型华尔街投资者收购独栋住宅。与此同时,摩根大通(JPMorgan)首席执行官杰米·戴蒙也认为住房是实现“美国梦”的障碍,但教育问题同样严重;他表示,必须让全美年轻人更容易获得机会。
此外,退休、育儿以及用车成本不断攀升,也让许多人认为,只有在银行账户里存有500万美元,才有可能真正实现“美国梦”。
然而,智库美国繁荣基金会(Americans for Prosperity)财政政策高级研究员库尔特·考奇曼指出,许多表象问题最终都指向美国欠债权人的天量债务。仅2025年最后三个月,美国政府就支付了2,760亿美元债务利息;而桥水基金(Bridgewater Associates)创始人雷·达里奥等人则警告,这种利息负担终有一天会挤占政府为维持经济繁荣所需的投资。
在上个月的一次国会听证会上,考奇曼对众议院司法委员会宪法与有限政府小组委员会表示:“不断膨胀的债务可能引发债券市场清算,给美国人民造成严重后果。国会议员们的作为,将决定和平、自由与繁荣这些‘美国梦’的实现条件,是得以存续,还是走向衰退。”
《美国财政民主》(Fiscal Democracy in America)一书的作者考奇曼在接受《财富》杂志电话采访时表示,这种衰退的未来已经初现端倪。考奇曼指出,当前的可负担性危机(实为通胀的代名词)在很大程度上源于疫情初期货币供给的“爆炸式”增长。
考奇曼此前曾在负责任联邦预算委员会(Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget)担任政府事务相关职务。他表示:“我们已经亲历了过度联邦支出和债务带来的通胀效应。现在的问题在于,根据国会预算办公室(Congressional Budget Office)、世界银行(World Bank)以及国际货币基金组织(International Monetary Fund,IMF)等机构的研究,一旦债务负担超过GDP的某个临界值,经济增长就会开始放缓。”
经济学家们担忧的并非债务总量(事实上,政府债务是全球金融市场运转的必要基础),而是债务与GDP的比率,这是衡量一国借债规模与经济增长关系的指标。一旦这一比率过度失衡,支付利息所需的巨额资金就会拖累经济增长。
考奇曼补充道:“这意味着机会减少。现有机会的回报也不如从前。生产率受到压制。”
最坏的情况会成为现实吗?
最坏的情况是爆发债务危机。也就是在某个时刻,美国找不到国债买家,不得不采取以下措施之一:被迫削减支出、为获得贷款而同意支付更高利息,或大幅增加货币供应以降低实际偿债价值。其中,最后一种措施将导致通胀甚至恶性通胀。
考奇曼认为,在这种情况下,“发生衰退的可能性很大,可能是严重衰退甚至大萧条”。他补充说:“全球性的经济不稳定,可能转化为真正的安全风险,甚至威胁我们的政治体系,因为若民众陷入极度绝望,可能会催生某些类型的政治人物。这些因债务负担加剧衍生的挑战,都在冲击美国梦。”
许多观点认为,尽管美国国债问题严重,但它并不会演变为一场真正的危机:毕竟,可以说美国是一个“大而不能倒”的国家,并且拥有足够的内在能力来避免这种局面。
然而,考奇曼指出,虽然经济衰退不可避免(“平均每五年左右就会发生一次,前后可能相差几年,所以衰退迟早会来”),但如果美国能够“在危机来临前借鉴国内外的历史教训并及时调整航向”,就仍有机会避免更严重的后果。
解决之道
改变政府的支出习惯并非易事,至少不存在广受欢迎的解决方案,因而没有当选政客愿意为此承担政治风险。因此,国家债务问题常被形容为“胆小鬼博弈”:每届政府都赌下届政府会接过这个“烫手山芋”。
恢复财政平衡的选项有很多,其中最不受欢迎的无疑是削减支出。更广泛的做法是,联邦政府采用一套用于平衡预算的“财政规则”。这种方式更容易被接受,但效果有限:根据牛津经济研究院(Oxford Economics)对国际货币基金组织120多个国家数据的分析,在采纳财政规则前三年(包括采纳规则当年),“初级财政余额”平均改善幅度约为GDP的1.1%;但在随后的两年里,又会出现同样幅度的恶化。
考奇曼的建议更简单:透明。这位经济学家兼作者的主张,与二百多年前托马斯·杰斐逊对其财政部长提出的要求如出一辙。杰斐逊当时写道:“我们希望联邦的财政状况能像商人的账簿一样清晰明了,使联邦中每一位国会议员、每一位有头脑的人,都能理解它、审查弊端,并据此加以控制。”
考奇曼表示:“为了修复预算,也为了恢复内部民主机制,国会能做的最重要的一件事是制定一份真正的预算,将所有支出和收入都纳入其中,实现全面透明。这样一来,各委员会都能管理好各自的分管领域,届时各方可切实讨论得失权衡、价值评估、必要举措和可舍弃的事项。”(财富中文网)
译者:刘进龙
审校:汪皓
The government’s $38.5 trillion national debt is suffocating the American Dream, a leading economist has warned, and if a highly debated debt crisis comes to fruition the country could be facing an all-out economic depression.
Many factors have been blamed for the death of the American Dream. Most recently, it has been housing stock, with President Trump moving to bar large Wall Street investors from buying up single-family homes. Elsewhere, JPMorgan CEO Jamie Dimon agrees that housing is a barrier but so is education, saying opportunities need to be more accessible to young people across the country.
Meanwhile, the rising cost of retirement, raising children and running a car has led many to believe they can only achieve the lofty heights of the American Dream if they have $5 million in the bank.
However, many of these symptoms trickle back to the vast sum America owes to its debtors, according to Kurt Couchman, a senior fellow in fiscal policy at thinktank Americans for Prosperity. In the final three months of 2025, the government spent $276 billion in interest on the debt, which the likes of Bridgewater Associates founder Ray Dalio warn will one day squeeze out government investment needed to bolster economic prosperity.
In a Congressional testimony last month, Couchman told the House Judiciary Subcommittee on the Constitution and Limited Government that “the growing debt risks a bond market reckoning with potentially dire consequences for the American people. The actions of their representatives in Congress will determine whether the conditions of the American Dream—peace, freedom, and prosperity—survive, or if the future is decline.”
Already, that future is being hampered, Couchman, author of ‘Fiscal Democracy in America’, told Fortune in a phone interview. The affordability crisis (inflation by any other name) was largely sparked by an “explosion” in monetary supply at the onset of the pandemic, he outlined.
“We’ve already experienced the inflationary aspects of excessive federal spending and debt,” Couchman, who previously worked in government addairs positions in the Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget, said. “We’re now at the point where if you look at [the Congressional Budget Office], World Bank and [International Monetary Fund] and others, they say that once the debt burden achieves it surpasses a certain threshold of GDP that it starts to slow the economic growth.”
Economists aren’t necessarily worried by the total level of debt (in fact, government debt is a necessary foundation of global markets). Rather it’s the debt-to-GDP ratio, which measures a nation’s borrowing against its growth. If this tips too far out of balance, growth can be hampered by the excessive amount of cash needed for interest payments.
“So that means there’s fewer opportunities,” Couchman added. “The opportunities that are there aren’t paying as well. Productivity is being suppressed.”
Is the worst-case scenario reality?
The worst-case scenario is a debt crisis. This is the moment at which the U.S. cannot find buyers for its debt and is either forced to rein in spending, agree to higher interest payments to secure loans, or significantly increase its money supply to lower the value of the repayments—which comes with inflationary or hyper-inflationary effects.
In this case, Couchman believes, the “likelihood of having a recession, if not a severe recession or maybe even a depression, become possibilities.” He added: “The global, economic instability could translate into some real security risks and even threats to our political systems because of the kinds of politicians that people may respond to if they’re feeling especially desperate. Those are all challenges to the American dream that stem from the growing debt burden.”
Many speculators argue that while national debt is a problem, it is not a crisis that will ever become a reality: After all, one could argue the U.S. is too big to fail, and has within its own power the ability to avert such a squeeze.
And yet, Couchman argues that while a recession is an inevitability (“they happen every five years on average, plus or minus a few years, so sooner or later we’ll have one of those”) America has a chance to avoid anything more sinister if it “learn[s]] from the mistakes of others abroad or in the states before we get to that moment and turn the ship.”
A solution
There’s no easy fix for the government’s spending habits. At least, not a solution which will be popular, and as such, not one which elected politicians will be keen to put their neck on the line for. Because of this, the national debt issue is often described as a game of “chicken” with one administration to the next betting their successors will be the administration to address the poisoned chalice.
There are many options to rectify the balance, the least popular being to pull back spending. More broadly, the federal government could adopt a set of budget-balancing “fiscal rules.” While a more palatable option, that also means it’s less effective: According to an analysis from Oxford Economics of IMF data for more than 120 countries, on average, there’s a 1.1%-of-GDP improvement in the primary balance in the three years up to and including adopting a fiscal rule. However, there’s then a deterioration of the exact same percentage in the subsequent two years.
Couchman’s request is simpler: Transparency. The author and economist is making the same plea as Thomas Jefferson did to his Treasury Secretary more than 200 years ago, when he wrote: “We might hope to see the finances of the Union as clear and intelligible as a merchant’s books, so that every Member of Congress and every man of any mind in the Union should be able to comprehend them, to investigate abuses, and consequently to control them.”
“The most important thing Congress could do, to not only fix the budget but also restore democracy within Congress, is to do a real budget with all spending and all revenue in it so you can see everything,” Couchman said. “All the committees will get to manage their portfolios, and you can have real discussions about trade-offs, what’s more valuable, what’s not, what we need to do, and what we can live without.”