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美国劳工运动方兴未艾

美国劳工运动方兴未艾

Marick Masters, The Conversation 2023-01-24
2022年,至少出现了20起大规模罢工事件。

2022年7月19日,美国纽约市,抗议人士为星巴克的首席执行官霍华德·舒尔茨举办了一场“非生日聚会”(Un-Birthday Party),还拉起了罢工警戒线。图片来源:MICHAEL M. SANTIAGO/GETTY IMAGES

2022年,有越来越多的员工加入组织,拉起罢工警戒线,要求涨工资并改善工作条件,劳工领袖和拥护者乐观地认为,劳动者的财富下滑现象迎来转机。

在成千上万的罢工人士当中,包括教师、记者和咖啡师等等,美国国会还通过法案阻止了11.5万名铁路员工罢工。从总体来看,2022年至少出现了20起大规模罢工事件,每起事件涉及至少1,000名员工,还有数百起规模较小的停工事件,而2021年才发生了16起。

与此同时,在这一年里,星巴克(Starbucks)、亚马逊(Amazon)、苹果(Apple)和其他数十家公司的员工提交了2,000多份组建工会的请愿书,也是自2015年以来最多的一年。在1,363次选举中,员工获胜的次数多达76%。

然而从历史上来看,这些数字可以说相当温和。几十年来,大规模停工事件的数量一直在急剧下降。1980年曾经有近200起,20世纪80年代之前工会选举通常每年超过5,000起。截至2021年,工会成员人数约为有记录以来的最低水平,仅为10.3%。20世纪50年代,超过三分之一的员工加入了工会。

身为劳工学者,我认同现有证据表明工会活动激增。接下来不可避免的问题是:活动数字增长是否表明达到了转折点?

工会活动增加的迹象

首先,让我们认真回顾一下2022年。

劳工运动复兴最值得注意的迹象,便是向美国国家劳工关系委员会(National Labor Relations Board)提交的请愿书数量的增加。在9月结束的2022财年里,员工提交了2,072份请愿书,比之前一年增加了63%。仅星巴克的员工就提交了354份请愿书,大多数选举中也都获得了胜利。此外,苹果、微软(Microsoft)和富国银行(Wells Fargo)等人们历来认为不接受工会的公司里的员工也纷纷获胜。

罢工活动增加也很重要。美国劳工统计局(Bureau of Labor Statistics)追踪涉及至少1,000名员工的大规模罢工引起的关注最大,但只是冰山一角。

2022年,美国劳工统计局记录了20起大规模罢工,比过去20年里每年16次的平均水平高出约25%。大规模罢工的案例包括最近的《纽约时报》(New York Times)一日罢工,还有加州的两次罢工,参与者包括医疗公司Kaiser Permanente的3,000多名员工、Frontier Communications的2,100名工人和加利福尼亚大学(University of California)的48,000名员工。

自2021年以来,康奈尔大学(Cornell University)一直在跟踪各种规模的劳工活动,发现2022年的罢工次数为385次,高于前一年的270次。报告称罢工地点包括19个州的近600地,由此能够看出罢工活动的地域范围。

历史上的相似之处

当然,以历史标准来看,这些数字仍然很低。

我认为,观察20世纪早期的两次罢工高峰,有助于理解最近的事件能否推动工会成员人数继续增加。

从1934年到1939年,工会成员占比从7.6%飙升至19.2%。几年后,1941年到1945年成员人数从20%攀升至27%。

两次高峰都发生在美国和全球动荡时期。第一次高峰出现在大萧条(Great Depression)的后半期,当时美国失业率高达四分之一。经济贫困和职场保护缺乏导致政治和社会活动扩散,因此出现大量将员工组织起来的行动。当时的高峰还促成1935年《国家劳动关系法案》(National Labor Relations Act)的颁布,刺激了工业领域里的工会壮大。

第二次高峰是在美国为了在欧洲亚洲双线作战动员经济发展之际。美国为支持战争进行的全国经济动员刺激了制造业就业增长,工会也借机取得长足发展。当时为达成战时产业和平协议,政府发布的战时政策鼓励加入工会。

不平等和疫情英雄

当前的情况与大萧条时期的经济困境或全球战争的社会动荡相差甚大,但有一些相似之处值得探究。

现在总体失业率可能接近历史最低水平,但经济不平等程度高于大萧条时期。美国前10%的家庭占有的财富高达68%以上。1936年,该比例约为47%。

此外,从1979年到2020年,收入水平前0.1%的阶层实际工资增长了近390%,而后90%的阶层工资仅增长28.2%。再看20世纪40年代和50年代工会曾经发挥重要作用的制造业,1979年到2022年的就业率下降了33%。

还有一事与两大历史先例类似。2020年年初爆发的新冠疫情需要全社会大规模反应之际,医疗卫生、公共安全、食品和农业等通常看来至关重要的行业员工注定承受最大的压力,而他们的不懈努力也赢得了“英雄”称号。当前环境下,员工开始感激工会为职业安全和健康提供的保护,最终推动了近期被炒得沸沸扬扬的就业趋势,例如“大辞职”(great resignation)和“安静辞职”(quiet quitting)。

反对声浪

然而,到最后反对工会的呼声仍然很高,劳工法不受支持,很少有企业真心愿意加入工会。

工会在改变公共政策或美国经济结构方面的能力有限,导致工会的发展举步维艰。通过立法改革劳动法仍然难以实现,2022年中期选举的结果也不太可能让这条道路变得平坦。

所以我认为最近的进展迹象并不会成为转折点。

劳工组织手中的王牌可能是公众情绪。2022年8月的盖洛普(Gallup)民意调查显示,对保护劳工权益的支持率达到1965年以来最高,71%的人表示支持工会。员工加入工会的兴趣日渐增加。2017年,48%的受访员工表示将投票支持工会代表,而之前一次调查时的1995年表示支持的员工比例为32%。

未来成功与否可能取决于工会能否充分利用日益增长的人气,能否复制最近在星巴克和亚马逊取得的胜利,还有成功的“争取15美元底薪”(Fight for $15)运动。该运动始于2012年,已经帮助十几个州和华盛顿特特区通过15美元底薪工资。

前路吉凶难测,但机会的种子已经埋下,只待劳工组织充分利用。(财富中文网)

马里克·马斯特斯(Marick Masters)是韦恩州立大学(Wayne State University)的商业教授和政治学兼职教授。

本文已获知识共享(Creative Commons)组织的许可,转载自The Conversation网站。

译者:Feb

2022年,有越来越多的员工加入组织,拉起罢工警戒线,要求涨工资并改善工作条件,劳工领袖和拥护者乐观地认为,劳动者的财富下滑现象迎来转机。

在成千上万的罢工人士当中,包括教师、记者和咖啡师等等,美国国会还通过法案阻止了11.5万名铁路员工罢工。从总体来看,2022年至少出现了20起大规模罢工事件,每起事件涉及至少1,000名员工,还有数百起规模较小的停工事件,而2021年才发生了16起。

与此同时,在这一年里,星巴克(Starbucks)、亚马逊(Amazon)、苹果(Apple)和其他数十家公司的员工提交了2,000多份组建工会的请愿书,也是自2015年以来最多的一年。在1,363次选举中,员工获胜的次数多达76%。

然而从历史上来看,这些数字可以说相当温和。几十年来,大规模停工事件的数量一直在急剧下降。1980年曾经有近200起,20世纪80年代之前工会选举通常每年超过5,000起。截至2021年,工会成员人数约为有记录以来的最低水平,仅为10.3%。20世纪50年代,超过三分之一的员工加入了工会。

身为劳工学者,我认同现有证据表明工会活动激增。接下来不可避免的问题是:活动数字增长是否表明达到了转折点?

工会活动增加的迹象

首先,让我们认真回顾一下2022年。

劳工运动复兴最值得注意的迹象,便是向美国国家劳工关系委员会(National Labor Relations Board)提交的请愿书数量的增加。在9月结束的2022财年里,员工提交了2,072份请愿书,比之前一年增加了63%。仅星巴克的员工就提交了354份请愿书,大多数选举中也都获得了胜利。此外,苹果、微软(Microsoft)和富国银行(Wells Fargo)等人们历来认为不接受工会的公司里的员工也纷纷获胜。

罢工活动增加也很重要。美国劳工统计局(Bureau of Labor Statistics)追踪涉及至少1,000名员工的大规模罢工引起的关注最大,但只是冰山一角。

2022年,美国劳工统计局记录了20起大规模罢工,比过去20年里每年16次的平均水平高出约25%。大规模罢工的案例包括最近的《纽约时报》(New York Times)一日罢工,还有加州的两次罢工,参与者包括医疗公司Kaiser Permanente的3,000多名员工、Frontier Communications的2,100名工人和加利福尼亚大学(University of California)的48,000名员工。

自2021年以来,康奈尔大学(Cornell University)一直在跟踪各种规模的劳工活动,发现2022年的罢工次数为385次,高于前一年的270次。报告称罢工地点包括19个州的近600地,由此能够看出罢工活动的地域范围。

历史上的相似之处

当然,以历史标准来看,这些数字仍然很低。

我认为,观察20世纪早期的两次罢工高峰,有助于理解最近的事件能否推动工会成员人数继续增加。

从1934年到1939年,工会成员占比从7.6%飙升至19.2%。几年后,1941年到1945年成员人数从20%攀升至27%。

两次高峰都发生在美国和全球动荡时期。第一次高峰出现在大萧条(Great Depression)的后半期,当时美国失业率高达四分之一。经济贫困和职场保护缺乏导致政治和社会活动扩散,因此出现大量将员工组织起来的行动。当时的高峰还促成1935年《国家劳动关系法案》(National Labor Relations Act)的颁布,刺激了工业领域里的工会壮大。

第二次高峰是在美国为了在欧洲亚洲双线作战动员经济发展之际。美国为支持战争进行的全国经济动员刺激了制造业就业增长,工会也借机取得长足发展。当时为达成战时产业和平协议,政府发布的战时政策鼓励加入工会。

不平等和疫情英雄

当前的情况与大萧条时期的经济困境或全球战争的社会动荡相差甚大,但有一些相似之处值得探究。

现在总体失业率可能接近历史最低水平,但经济不平等程度高于大萧条时期。美国前10%的家庭占有的财富高达68%以上。1936年,该比例约为47%。

此外,从1979年到2020年,收入水平前0.1%的阶层实际工资增长了近390%,而后90%的阶层工资仅增长28.2%。再看20世纪40年代和50年代工会曾经发挥重要作用的制造业,1979年到2022年的就业率下降了33%。

还有一事与两大历史先例类似。2020年年初爆发的新冠疫情需要全社会大规模反应之际,医疗卫生、公共安全、食品和农业等通常看来至关重要的行业员工注定承受最大的压力,而他们的不懈努力也赢得了“英雄”称号。当前环境下,员工开始感激工会为职业安全和健康提供的保护,最终推动了近期被炒得沸沸扬扬的就业趋势,例如“大辞职”(great resignation)和“安静辞职”(quiet quitting)。

反对声浪

然而,到最后反对工会的呼声仍然很高,劳工法不受支持,很少有企业真心愿意加入工会。

工会在改变公共政策或美国经济结构方面的能力有限,导致工会的发展举步维艰。通过立法改革劳动法仍然难以实现,2022年中期选举的结果也不太可能让这条道路变得平坦。

所以我认为最近的进展迹象并不会成为转折点。

劳工组织手中的王牌可能是公众情绪。2022年8月的盖洛普(Gallup)民意调查显示,对保护劳工权益的支持率达到1965年以来最高,71%的人表示支持工会。员工加入工会的兴趣日渐增加。2017年,48%的受访员工表示将投票支持工会代表,而之前一次调查时的1995年表示支持的员工比例为32%。

未来成功与否可能取决于工会能否充分利用日益增长的人气,能否复制最近在星巴克和亚马逊取得的胜利,还有成功的“争取15美元底薪”(Fight for $15)运动。该运动始于2012年,已经帮助十几个州和华盛顿特特区通过15美元底薪工资。

前路吉凶难测,但机会的种子已经埋下,只待劳工组织充分利用。(财富中文网)

马里克·马斯特斯(Marick Masters)是韦恩州立大学(Wayne State University)的商业教授和政治学兼职教授。

本文已获知识共享(Creative Commons)组织的许可,转载自The Conversation网站。

译者:Feb

Workers organized and took to the picket line in increased numbers in 2022 to demand better pay and working conditions, leading to optimism among labor leaders and advocates that they’re witnessing a turnaround in labor’s sagging fortunes.

Teachers, journalists and baristas were among the tens of thousands of workers who went on strike – and it took an act of Congress to prevent 115,000 railroad employees from walking out as well. In total, there have been at least 20 major work stoppages involving at least 1,000 workers each in 2022, up from 16 in 2021, and hundreds more that were smaller.

At the same time, workers at Starbucks, Amazon, Apple and dozens of other companies filed over 2,000 petitions to form unions during the year – the most since 2015. Workers won 76% of the 1,363 elections that were held.

Historically, however, these figures are pretty tepid. The number of major work stoppages has been plunging for decades, from nearly 200 as recently as 1980, while union elections typically exceeded 5,000 a year before the 1980s. As of 2021, union membership was at about the lowest level on record, at 10.3%. In the 1950s, over 1 in 3 workers belonged to a union.

As a labor scholar, I agree that the evidence shows a surge in union activism. The obvious question is: Do these developments manifest a tipping point?

Signs of increased union activism

First, let’s take a closer look at 2022.

The most noteworthy sign of labor’s revival has been the rise in the number of petitions filed with the National Labor Relations Board. In fiscal year 2022, which ended in September, workers filed 2,072 petitions, up 63% from the previous year. Starbucks workers alone filed 354 of these petitions, winning the vast majority of the elections held. In addition, employees at companies historically deemed untouchable by unions, including Apple, Microsoft and Wells Fargo, also scored wins.

The increase in strike activity is also important. And while the major strikes that involve 1,000 or more employees and are tracked by the Bureau of Labor Statistics arouse the greatest attention, they represent only the tip of the iceberg.

The bureau recorded 20 major strikes in 2022, which is about 25% more than the average of 16 a year over the past two decades. Examples of these major strikes include the recent one-day New York Times walkout, two strikes in California involving more than 3,000 workers at health care company Kaiser Permanente, 2,100 workers at Frontier Communications and 48,000 workers at the University of California.

Since 2021, Cornell University has been keeping track of any labor action, however small, and found that there were a total of 385 strikes in calendar year 2022, up from 270 in the previous year. In total, these reported strikes have occurred in nearly 600 locations in 19 states., signifying the geographic breadth of activism.

Historical parallels

Of course, these figures are still quite low by historical standards.

I believe two previous spikes in the early 20th century offer some clues as to whether recent events could lead to sustained gains in union membership.

From 1934 to 1939, union membership soared from 7.6% to 19.2%. A few years later, from 1941 to 1945, membership climbed from 20% to 27%.

Both spikes occurred during periods of national and global upheaval. The first spike came in the latter half of the Great Depression, when unemployment in the U.S. reached as high as a quarter of the workforce. Economic deprivation and a lack of workplace protections led to widespread political and social activism and sweeping efforts to organize workers in response. It also contributed to the enactment of the National Labor Relations Act in 1935, which stimulated organizing in the industrial sector.

The second jump came as the U.S. mobilized the economy to fight a two-front war in Europe and Asia. National economic mobilization to support the war led to growth in manufacturing employment, where unions had been making substantial gains. Government wartime policy encouraged unionization as part of a bargain for industrial peace during the war.

Inequality and pandemic heroes

Today’s situation is a far cry from the economic misery of the Great Depression or the social upheaval of a global war, but there are some parallels worth exploring.

Overall unemployment may be near record lows, but economic inequality is higher than it was during the Depression. The top 10% of households hold over 68% of the wealth in the U.S. In 1936, this was about 47%.

In addition, the top 0.1% of wage earners experienced a nearly 390% increase in real wages from 1979 to 2020, versus a meager 28.2% pay hike for the bottom 90%. And employment in manufacturing, where unions had gained a stronghold in the 1940s and 1950s, slipped over 33% from 1979 to 2022.

Another parallel to the two historical precedents concerns national mobilization. The pandemic required a massive response in early 2020, as workers in industries deemed essential, such as health care, public safety and food and agriculture, bore the brunt of its impact, earning them the label “heroes” for their efforts. In such an environment, workers began to appreciate more the protections they derived from unions for occupational safety and health, eventually helping birth much-hyped recent labor trends like the “great resignation” and “quiet quitting.”

A stacked deck

Ultimately, however, the deck is still heavily stacked against unions, with unsupportive labor laws and very few employers showing real receptivity to having a unionized workforce.

And unions are limited in how much they can change public policy or the structure of the U.S. economy that makes unionization difficult. Reforming labor law through legislation has remained elusive, and the results of the 2022 midterms are not likely to make it any easier.

This makes me unconvinced that recent signs of progress represent a turning point.

An ace up labor’s sleeve may be public sentiment. Support for labor is at its highest since 1965, with 71% saying they approve of unions, according to a Gallup poll in August 2022. And workers themselves are increasingly showing an interest in joining them. In 2017, 48% of workers polled said they would vote for union representation, up from 32% in 1995, the last time this question was asked.

Future success may depend on unions’ ability to tap into their growing popularity and emulate the recent wins at Starbucks and Amazon, as well as the successful “Fight for $15” campaign, which since 2012 has helped pass $15 minimum wage laws in a dozen states and Washington, D.C.

The odds may be steep, but the seeds of opportunity are there if labor is able to exploit them.

Marick Masters is a Professor of Business and Adjunct Professor of Political Science, Wayne State University.

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license.

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