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这位企业家发现,美国制造业根本离不开中国供应链

Shawn Tully
2025-06-11

中国领先优势如此巨大,转移供应链无异于自讨苦吃。

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Dealmed首席执行官迈克尔·艾因霍恩。图片来源:Courtesy of Dealmed

迈克尔·艾因霍恩曾经想要离开中国。他确实有过这样的想法。他支持特朗普的政策议程,即主张减少监管、减轻企业税负,并取消那些推高能源价格的环境法规。2006年,艾因霍恩白手起家创立了Dealmed公司;如今,它已成为纽约-新泽西-康涅狄格三州市场最大的两家非私募股权控股的私营医疗用品制造商和分销商之一。他也基本认同特朗普有关中国在贸易上存在欺骗行为的观点。因此,当美国总统宣布对华征收135%的“解放日”关税时,艾因霍恩盘算着,应该有一些可靠的替代渠道采购他销往全美各地诊所和医疗机构的上万种产品,包括口罩、纱布、检测设备和防护服等。

这甚至并非艾因霍恩首次希望让自己的公司摆脱对中国的依赖。新冠疫情期间,在特朗普的首轮关税政策导致进口成本上升之际,艾因霍恩就曾融合了一套替代供应商网络,此举成功将中国在其公司进口总额中的比例压缩至15%。如今故技重施,又有何难?

他最终发现这几乎是不可能的。短短五年间,制造业格局已发生天翻地覆的变化,以至于当初看似可行的事情,如今在经济上根本行不通。艾因霍恩告诉《财富》杂志:“在大部分医疗保健产品的制造领域,中国都占据着全球主导地位。中国的生产自动化水平、产品质量和价格优势更胜一筹。我承认中国的贸易做法存在问题,但在我所从事的领域,现实就是如此。中国领先优势如此巨大,转移供应链无异于自讨苦吃。”

他的这段经历极具启发意义,因为它证明了中国制造业进步之迅猛;揭示了某些领域可行替代方案之稀少;以及最终,即使将关税因素计入成本,许多试图撤离中国的商人也无法做到。艾因霍恩表示:“(美国)政府可以喊破喉咙,但如何复制中国出口到美国的产品?根本做不到。”

中国制造水平提高

艾因霍恩的贸易传奇始于21世纪初。当时,Dealmed 公司从中国采购的商品仅占其销售总量的约15%,主要是胶带等基础物资和手术服等纸质产品。艾因霍恩指出,那个时期,中国在更高端产品方面的质量还达不到美国和欧洲的标准。2014年,艾因霍恩做出了重大战略转型,从单纯的分销商,转型为同时兼具制造商的角色。此前,Dealmed从批发商那里采购商品。批发商向中国生产商采购货物,经美国入境口岸运至自己的仓储设施,再转运到Dealmed的仓库。然后,Dealmed通过其销售代表团队处理销售事宜,将产品送达其分布广泛的医疗客户手中,完成这最后一段销售过程。艾因霍恩认为,Dealmed可以通过消除中间商,自己来制造同样的产品(具体方式是将生产外包给中国工厂),从而赚取更多利润。而许多这样的中国工厂,正是此前通过批发商源源不断为其供货的生产者。公司首先将口罩和面巾等标准产品转为合同制造模式。随后,随着中国制造商水平的提升,Dealmed又增加了现场检测设备和其他精密产品的生产外包。

到了2018年,这家蓬勃发展的公司外包生产的Dealmed品牌产品,有80%从中国进口。总体而言,自有品牌外包这项新业务占其营业收入的约30%。再加上为批发商分销中国品牌产品的传统特许经营业务,其来自中国的销售总额占公司总营收的45%。

随后,特朗普发起的关税战,促使艾因霍恩策划了两次重大战略转向中的第一次。 2019年9月,美国政府针对部分中国医疗出口产品加征了10%的关税;到了2020年,又将更多商品的关税提高至25%。艾因霍恩回忆道:“由于存在大量豁免条款,第一轮关税仅波及我们一小部分从中国进口的产品。但那第二轮25%的关税却冲击了我们一半的进口商品”。他认为,美国两党对华的敌意日益加剧,这意味着这些高额关税如今已成为贸易格局中长期存在的固定部分。

Dealmed转向从美国本土采购生产手术服和手术台罩使用的纸质材料,尽管在美国生产这些材料的成本比在深圳或南京生产的同类产品高出15%,同时,公司也将其检测产品的生产转移到了美国本土。到2019年底,Dealmed 的手套制造已从主要依赖中国采购,转变为主要在马来西亚生产。公司还在墨西哥、加拿大、越南和印度找到了新供应商。就在新冠疫情暴发前夕,Dealmed从中国进口的产品仅占总收入的15%,较两年前的峰值下降了三分之二。 艾因霍恩表示:“我们当时的目标就是将所有生产业务撤出中国。”

新冠疫情的刺激效应

事实证明,“减少中国采购”这一大胆策略收效显著。2020年初,疫情骤然全面爆发,致使中国整个出口部门陷入停摆。通过将供应链转移到越南、马来西亚和美国,Dealmed成功抢占了更多医生诊所订单,遥遥领先于那些仍严重依赖中国的竞争对手。然而,到了2020年春,中国制造商恢复生产,艾因霍恩亲眼目睹了竞争对手如何大赚特赚:一方面,供应短缺使常规医疗用品价格暴涨;另一方面,为了抗击疫情,美国最终大幅进口的医疗物资订单量激增。艾因霍恩表示,2020年春,Dealmed仍从中国采购绝大部分口罩,且在随后的数月里,每只薄布口罩的采购价格高达2美元,是疫情前的7倍之多。

2020年,中美签署第一阶段经贸协议,在随后的五年内有效地终止了对进口医疗产品的高额关税,仅保留了对药物活性成分的征税。然而在疫情初期,艾因霍恩的客户因中国停工损失惨重,且始终担忧关税会卷土重来。Dealmed未选择依赖全球最大出口国,而是拓展全球网络,率先在行业内降低风险。艾因霍恩认为,与主要仍以中国为中心的竞争对手相比,诊所与医院会将Dealmed广泛的全球化供应链视为Dealmed的一大领先优势。

但事与愿违。艾因霍恩回忆道:“起初客户高呼‘我们不能依赖中国’。他们鼓励我们采取供应链多元化战略。我们告诉他们,我们依托最广泛的全球采购网络,具有先天优势。但很快,客户就淡忘了中国因新冠疫情停工所造成的混乱。”他表示,那些与制造商谈判向医院和诊所销售医疗设备的集团采购组织(GPO),以及直接与保险公司交易的医疗机构,迅速失去了对供应链多元化的短暂热情,转而追求最优惠的价格,无论纱布、口罩还是医疗器械产自何地。艾因霍恩坦言:“这很可悲。当疫情的记忆逐渐褪去,我们供应链多元化的优势在客户眼中变得一文不值。保险公司仅按最低成本价报销,价格决定了一切。标榜产品产自美国、马来西亚或越南,根本打动不了采购方。”

在后疫情时代,美国医疗产业在全球遍寻低价商品之际,中国医疗物资行业正以惊人规模实现产业与专业能力的双轨扩张。扩张背后的驱动力源于疫情期间积累的巨额利润。艾因霍恩表示:“中国企业利用新冠疫情期间赚取的巨额利润进行再投资,成效斐然。”一个典型代表当属山东英科医疗(INTCO Medical)。2020年,英科医疗营业收入较前一年激增六倍,该公司将巨额收益转化为覆盖国内五座城市的产业网络布局,在越南建设了一座大型工厂,并在美国、加拿大、德国和日本设立销售机构。据报道,英科医疗的迅猛崛起使其创始人跃升亿万富翁行列。

中国医疗工业能力的全面提升,促使Dealmed再度调整战略方向。艾因霍恩表示:“新冠疫情结束后的两年,我们的业务快速增长,新增数百款自产产品。部分生产线回流中国。当我将某条生产线从中国迁至越南,随后又会有新产品在中国投产。此消彼长间我们意识到:中国仍然是最优选择。后疫情时代的中国制造商更有进取精神。他们加大投入和产品研发力度,其产品质量已经傲视全球。中国制造商的自动化程度与产能举世无双,他们已经非常先进。”尤为关键的是,中国提供的低价,正好迎合了美国采购商从短暂追求“分散采购渠道”到追求“最低成本交易”的转变。

没有更好的选择

2024年,拜登政府对中国科技界发起制裁,尤其剑指半导体产业。这场小规模贸易战迅速波及医疗设备领域。 2024年9月末至2025年1月1日期间,美国政府依据“301条款”对口罩与呼吸机加征25%关税,外科手套征50%的关税,注射器和针头则征收100%的关税。艾因霍恩表示:“中国早在几年前就预见到这一局势,并开始在越南建厂。我们将部分生产业务转移到越南,但幕后支持的仍是中国公司。” Dealmed主要从中国进口的纸制品、检测设备等许多商品未受301关税冲击。艾因霍恩发现,即便是注射器和其他被重点打击产品,在叠加关税后,他出售这类中国制造商品的价格,仍然与其他国家生产的同类商品持平甚至价格更低。他表示:“尽管有301关税,我们仍以中国供应链为主。”

然而,事实证明,此轮301关税冲击,与特朗普后续的关税战相比不过是小巫见大巫。特朗普政府在今年2月先征收10%的关税,3月初提高至25%,4月9日更是公布了臭名昭著的“解放日”135%对等关税。新征关税在301关税的基础上,使针头和注射器等产品的总税率飙升至235%。这座如同积木般层层叠加的关税大厦给Dealmed等进口商带来严峻却鲜为人知的难题。艾因霍恩解释道:“这让我们的现金流管理变得异常艰难。装满注射器的货柜抵达美国港口时,我必须预先支付235%的关税才能清关上架销售。这意味着我们要为两三周后才能售出的商品,先期垫付巨额资金。”

为规避巨额预付现金,艾因霍恩大幅放缓了从中国发货的速度。但他同时也在押注:初始规模形同禁运级的关税壁垒不会持久。他的中国供应商设计出一套精妙对策。艾因霍恩回忆道:“他们相当精明。他们主动提出:‘我们可以降价10%,我们可以为你代工生产,并免费存货三至四个月。’实际上,这是双方在联合对冲特朗普的关税不会始终维持在三位数的水平。” 5月12日,特朗普宣布暂停对等关税90天,Dealmed的采购关税税率应声而降——注射器的关税税率从235%降至130%,口罩则自160%落至55%。艾因霍恩立即提货,既躲过现金流枯竭危机,又为客户提供更具竞争力的价格。

在艾因霍恩看来,特朗普额外征收30%的关税,远未构成弃用中国产品的理由。他表示:“我们会转移部分生产,但中国仍是我们的核心供应商。”即便累计达到130%的总税率,也未能阻碍其向美国客户成功售出注射器和针头产品。总体而言,随着疫情过后中国制造业水平的显著提升,Dealmed不打算撤回已回归中国的生产线。此前分别从中国转移到马来西亚和美国与加拿大的手套与纸制品代工业务,如今绝大多数又回到了Dealmed外包模式的发源地中国。艾因霍恩凡发现,相较中国,越南和其他亚洲竞争对手不仅普遍价格更高,在产品品质、品类范围、基础建设规模方面更是落于下风。中国独有的庞大体量优势孕育出卓越规模效益,其制造商总能在订单激增时交付海量订单。

艾因霍恩坦言,其公司逾40%的营收源自中国制造产品,占比已回升至2018年的峰值水平——若以美元计算,营收规模则更为庞大,因为Dealmed在这七年内实现了显著增长。

亲历了贸易战全过程的艾因霍恩断言,特朗普关税战必将无功而返。他指出:“认为美国可以通过强迫中国公司和其他外国公司消化关税实现‘责任分摊’,这纯属错误观念。”他每天见证的现实是,承担关税的并非中国出口商,而是医院和诊所,他们将成本转嫁给保险公司,最终由支付保费的民众与公司买单。

他自己并非无所不知。他表示:“我更愿意在美国本土做生意。”但他指出,从高额工人赔付成本到强制购买高价电力的政策,都严重制约了美国制造商在全球的竞争力。他表示:“必须出台一系列激励措施,以降低美国制造商的成本。除非美国制造商能在品质与定价上与中国同行媲美,否则我的客户绝不会为‘本土制造’标签支付溢价。”他表示,目前归根结底就是一句话:“切断中国供应链绝对不是一个选项。”(财富中文网)

译者:刘进龙

审校:汪皓

迈克尔·艾因霍恩曾经想要离开中国。他确实有过这样的想法。他支持特朗普的政策议程,即主张减少监管、减轻企业税负,并取消那些推高能源价格的环境法规。2006年,艾因霍恩白手起家创立了Dealmed公司;如今,它已成为纽约-新泽西-康涅狄格三州市场最大的两家非私募股权控股的私营医疗用品制造商和分销商之一。他也基本认同特朗普有关中国在贸易上存在欺骗行为的观点。因此,当美国总统宣布对华征收135%的“解放日”关税时,艾因霍恩盘算着,应该有一些可靠的替代渠道采购他销往全美各地诊所和医疗机构的上万种产品,包括口罩、纱布、检测设备和防护服等。

这甚至并非艾因霍恩首次希望让自己的公司摆脱对中国的依赖。新冠疫情期间,在特朗普的首轮关税政策导致进口成本上升之际,艾因霍恩就曾融合了一套替代供应商网络,此举成功将中国在其公司进口总额中的比例压缩至15%。如今故技重施,又有何难?

他最终发现这几乎是不可能的。短短五年间,制造业格局已发生天翻地覆的变化,以至于当初看似可行的事情,如今在经济上根本行不通。艾因霍恩告诉《财富》杂志:“在大部分医疗保健产品的制造领域,中国都占据着全球主导地位。中国的生产自动化水平、产品质量和价格优势更胜一筹。我承认中国的贸易做法存在问题,但在我所从事的领域,现实就是如此。中国领先优势如此巨大,转移供应链无异于自讨苦吃。”

他的这段经历极具启发意义,因为它证明了中国制造业进步之迅猛;揭示了某些领域可行替代方案之稀少;以及最终,即使将关税因素计入成本,许多试图撤离中国的商人也无法做到。艾因霍恩表示:“(美国)政府可以喊破喉咙,但如何复制中国出口到美国的产品?根本做不到。”

中国制造水平提高

艾因霍恩的贸易传奇始于21世纪初。当时,Dealmed 公司从中国采购的商品仅占其销售总量的约15%,主要是胶带等基础物资和手术服等纸质产品。艾因霍恩指出,那个时期,中国在更高端产品方面的质量还达不到美国和欧洲的标准。2014年,艾因霍恩做出了重大战略转型,从单纯的分销商,转型为同时兼具制造商的角色。此前,Dealmed从批发商那里采购商品。批发商向中国生产商采购货物,经美国入境口岸运至自己的仓储设施,再转运到Dealmed的仓库。然后,Dealmed通过其销售代表团队处理销售事宜,将产品送达其分布广泛的医疗客户手中,完成这最后一段销售过程。艾因霍恩认为,Dealmed可以通过消除中间商,自己来制造同样的产品(具体方式是将生产外包给中国工厂),从而赚取更多利润。而许多这样的中国工厂,正是此前通过批发商源源不断为其供货的生产者。公司首先将口罩和面巾等标准产品转为合同制造模式。随后,随着中国制造商水平的提升,Dealmed又增加了现场检测设备和其他精密产品的生产外包。

到了2018年,这家蓬勃发展的公司外包生产的Dealmed品牌产品,有80%从中国进口。总体而言,自有品牌外包这项新业务占其营业收入的约30%。再加上为批发商分销中国品牌产品的传统特许经营业务,其来自中国的销售总额占公司总营收的45%。

随后,特朗普发起的关税战,促使艾因霍恩策划了两次重大战略转向中的第一次。 2019年9月,美国政府针对部分中国医疗出口产品加征了10%的关税;到了2020年,又将更多商品的关税提高至25%。艾因霍恩回忆道:“由于存在大量豁免条款,第一轮关税仅波及我们一小部分从中国进口的产品。但那第二轮25%的关税却冲击了我们一半的进口商品”。他认为,美国两党对华的敌意日益加剧,这意味着这些高额关税如今已成为贸易格局中长期存在的固定部分。

Dealmed转向从美国本土采购生产手术服和手术台罩使用的纸质材料,尽管在美国生产这些材料的成本比在深圳或南京生产的同类产品高出15%,同时,公司也将其检测产品的生产转移到了美国本土。到2019年底,Dealmed 的手套制造已从主要依赖中国采购,转变为主要在马来西亚生产。公司还在墨西哥、加拿大、越南和印度找到了新供应商。就在新冠疫情暴发前夕,Dealmed从中国进口的产品仅占总收入的15%,较两年前的峰值下降了三分之二。 艾因霍恩表示:“我们当时的目标就是将所有生产业务撤出中国。”

新冠疫情的刺激效应

事实证明,“减少中国采购”这一大胆策略收效显著。2020年初,疫情骤然全面爆发,致使中国整个出口部门陷入停摆。通过将供应链转移到越南、马来西亚和美国,Dealmed成功抢占了更多医生诊所订单,遥遥领先于那些仍严重依赖中国的竞争对手。然而,到了2020年春,中国制造商恢复生产,艾因霍恩亲眼目睹了竞争对手如何大赚特赚:一方面,供应短缺使常规医疗用品价格暴涨;另一方面,为了抗击疫情,美国最终大幅进口的医疗物资订单量激增。艾因霍恩表示,2020年春,Dealmed仍从中国采购绝大部分口罩,且在随后的数月里,每只薄布口罩的采购价格高达2美元,是疫情前的7倍之多。

2020年,中美签署第一阶段经贸协议,在随后的五年内有效地终止了对进口医疗产品的高额关税,仅保留了对药物活性成分的征税。然而在疫情初期,艾因霍恩的客户因中国停工损失惨重,且始终担忧关税会卷土重来。Dealmed未选择依赖全球最大出口国,而是拓展全球网络,率先在行业内降低风险。艾因霍恩认为,与主要仍以中国为中心的竞争对手相比,诊所与医院会将Dealmed广泛的全球化供应链视为Dealmed的一大领先优势。

但事与愿违。艾因霍恩回忆道:“起初客户高呼‘我们不能依赖中国’。他们鼓励我们采取供应链多元化战略。我们告诉他们,我们依托最广泛的全球采购网络,具有先天优势。但很快,客户就淡忘了中国因新冠疫情停工所造成的混乱。”他表示,那些与制造商谈判向医院和诊所销售医疗设备的集团采购组织(GPO),以及直接与保险公司交易的医疗机构,迅速失去了对供应链多元化的短暂热情,转而追求最优惠的价格,无论纱布、口罩还是医疗器械产自何地。艾因霍恩坦言:“这很可悲。当疫情的记忆逐渐褪去,我们供应链多元化的优势在客户眼中变得一文不值。保险公司仅按最低成本价报销,价格决定了一切。标榜产品产自美国、马来西亚或越南,根本打动不了采购方。”

在后疫情时代,美国医疗产业在全球遍寻低价商品之际,中国医疗物资行业正以惊人规模实现产业与专业能力的双轨扩张。扩张背后的驱动力源于疫情期间积累的巨额利润。艾因霍恩表示:“中国企业利用新冠疫情期间赚取的巨额利润进行再投资,成效斐然。”一个典型代表当属山东英科医疗(INTCO Medical)。2020年,英科医疗营业收入较前一年激增六倍,该公司将巨额收益转化为覆盖国内五座城市的产业网络布局,在越南建设了一座大型工厂,并在美国、加拿大、德国和日本设立销售机构。据报道,英科医疗的迅猛崛起使其创始人跃升亿万富翁行列。

中国医疗工业能力的全面提升,促使Dealmed再度调整战略方向。艾因霍恩表示:“新冠疫情结束后的两年,我们的业务快速增长,新增数百款自产产品。部分生产线回流中国。当我将某条生产线从中国迁至越南,随后又会有新产品在中国投产。此消彼长间我们意识到:中国仍然是最优选择。后疫情时代的中国制造商更有进取精神。他们加大投入和产品研发力度,其产品质量已经傲视全球。中国制造商的自动化程度与产能举世无双,他们已经非常先进。”尤为关键的是,中国提供的低价,正好迎合了美国采购商从短暂追求“分散采购渠道”到追求“最低成本交易”的转变。

没有更好的选择

2024年,拜登政府对中国科技界发起制裁,尤其剑指半导体产业。这场小规模贸易战迅速波及医疗设备领域。 2024年9月末至2025年1月1日期间,美国政府依据“301条款”对口罩与呼吸机加征25%关税,外科手套征50%的关税,注射器和针头则征收100%的关税。艾因霍恩表示:“中国早在几年前就预见到这一局势,并开始在越南建厂。我们将部分生产业务转移到越南,但幕后支持的仍是中国公司。” Dealmed主要从中国进口的纸制品、检测设备等许多商品未受301关税冲击。艾因霍恩发现,即便是注射器和其他被重点打击产品,在叠加关税后,他出售这类中国制造商品的价格,仍然与其他国家生产的同类商品持平甚至价格更低。他表示:“尽管有301关税,我们仍以中国供应链为主。”

然而,事实证明,此轮301关税冲击,与特朗普后续的关税战相比不过是小巫见大巫。特朗普政府在今年2月先征收10%的关税,3月初提高至25%,4月9日更是公布了臭名昭著的“解放日”135%对等关税。新征关税在301关税的基础上,使针头和注射器等产品的总税率飙升至235%。这座如同积木般层层叠加的关税大厦给Dealmed等进口商带来严峻却鲜为人知的难题。艾因霍恩解释道:“这让我们的现金流管理变得异常艰难。装满注射器的货柜抵达美国港口时,我必须预先支付235%的关税才能清关上架销售。这意味着我们要为两三周后才能售出的商品,先期垫付巨额资金。”

为规避巨额预付现金,艾因霍恩大幅放缓了从中国发货的速度。但他同时也在押注:初始规模形同禁运级的关税壁垒不会持久。他的中国供应商设计出一套精妙对策。艾因霍恩回忆道:“他们相当精明。他们主动提出:‘我们可以降价10%,我们可以为你代工生产,并免费存货三至四个月。’实际上,这是双方在联合对冲特朗普的关税不会始终维持在三位数的水平。” 5月12日,特朗普宣布暂停对等关税90天,Dealmed的采购关税税率应声而降——注射器的关税税率从235%降至130%,口罩则自160%落至55%。艾因霍恩立即提货,既躲过现金流枯竭危机,又为客户提供更具竞争力的价格。

在艾因霍恩看来,特朗普额外征收30%的关税,远未构成弃用中国产品的理由。他表示:“我们会转移部分生产,但中国仍是我们的核心供应商。”即便累计达到130%的总税率,也未能阻碍其向美国客户成功售出注射器和针头产品。总体而言,随着疫情过后中国制造业水平的显著提升,Dealmed不打算撤回已回归中国的生产线。此前分别从中国转移到马来西亚和美国与加拿大的手套与纸制品代工业务,如今绝大多数又回到了Dealmed外包模式的发源地中国。艾因霍恩凡发现,相较中国,越南和其他亚洲竞争对手不仅普遍价格更高,在产品品质、品类范围、基础建设规模方面更是落于下风。中国独有的庞大体量优势孕育出卓越规模效益,其制造商总能在订单激增时交付海量订单。

艾因霍恩坦言,其公司逾40%的营收源自中国制造产品,占比已回升至2018年的峰值水平——若以美元计算,营收规模则更为庞大,因为Dealmed在这七年内实现了显著增长。

亲历了贸易战全过程的艾因霍恩断言,特朗普关税战必将无功而返。他指出:“认为美国可以通过强迫中国公司和其他外国公司消化关税实现‘责任分摊’,这纯属错误观念。”他每天见证的现实是,承担关税的并非中国出口商,而是医院和诊所,他们将成本转嫁给保险公司,最终由支付保费的民众与公司买单。

他自己并非无所不知。他表示:“我更愿意在美国本土做生意。”但他指出,从高额工人赔付成本到强制购买高价电力的政策,都严重制约了美国制造商在全球的竞争力。他表示:“必须出台一系列激励措施,以降低美国制造商的成本。除非美国制造商能在品质与定价上与中国同行媲美,否则我的客户绝不会为‘本土制造’标签支付溢价。”他表示,目前归根结底就是一句话:“切断中国供应链绝对不是一个选项。”(财富中文网)

译者:刘进龙

审校:汪皓

Michael Einhorn wanted to quit China. He really did. He supports the Trump agenda that champions fewer regulations, a lower tax burden for businesses, and elimination of environmental mandates that inflate energy prices. He founded Dealmed on a shoestring in 2006; today it’s one of the two biggest privately owned, non-private-equity-held manufacturers and distributors of medical supplies in the New York–New Jersey–Connecticut tristate market. And he largely buys Trump’s argument that China is cheating on trade. So when the POTUS announced his “Liberation Day” tariffs of 135%, Einhorn figured there must be some decent alternatives to source the 10,000 products including masks, gauze, testing equipment, and gowns that he sells to clinics and health care facilities all over the U.S.

And this wouldn’t even be the first time Einhorn had weaned his company off China. During COVID, when Trump’s first set of tariffs had made importing more costly, Einhorn had pieced together a patchwork of suppliers that had squeezed the Chinese share of his company’s imports down to 15%. How hard could it be to repeat that strategy again?

Nearly impossible, as he found out. Over just five years the manufacturing world has changed so dramatically, that things that seemed possible then no longer make any financial sense. “China dominates the world in most health care manufacturing,” Einhorn tells Fortune. “Their automation, quality, pricing is just superior. I acknowledge the problems with China’s trade practices, but in the lane I play in, it’s just reality. China’s so far ahead of the curve I won’t hurt myself by moving away.”

His odyssey is instructive because it shows how quickly Chinese manufacturing has advanced; how few viable alternatives there are in certain sectors; and ultimately, how even after factoring in tariffs, many businesspeople who want to move away from China, can’t. Says Einhorn: “The administration can scream and yell, but how do you replicate what the Chinese are exporting into the U.S.? It’s just not happening.”

China ramps up

Einhorn’s trade saga starts in the early 2010s, when Dealmed was purchasing only around 15% of what it sold from China, mostly basic stuff such as adhesive tape and paper products such as surgical gowns. In those days, China’s quality for more upscale offerings didn’t match the norm for the U.S. and Europe, notes Einhorn. In 2014, Einhorn made a major pivot from distributor-only to doubling as a manufacturer. Dealmed was buying from wholesalers that purchased the goods from Chinese producers and shipped them from U.S. ports of entry to their own storage facilities and on to Dealmed’s warehouses. Dealmed then provided the final leg of the journey by handling sales to its widely dispersed health care customers served by its corps of reps. Einhorn determined that Dealmed could make more money by eliminating the middlemen, and making the same goods itself, by outsourcing the production to Chinese plants, many of which were churning out the stuff it was getting from the wholesalers. It first moved standard fare such as face masks and washcloths to the contract manufacturing model, then, as the Chinese upped their game, added on-site testing gear and other sophisticated wares.

By 2018, the thriving enterprise was importing 80% of its Dealmed-branded, outsourced products from China. All told, that new business accounted for around 30% of its revenues, and alongside its traditional franchise distributing Chinese brands for wholesalers, its total made-in-China sales contributed 45% of the total top line.

Then Trump’s tariff barrage pushed Einhorn to marshal the first of two dramatic course reversals. In September of 2019, the administration slapped 10% duties on selected Chinese medical exports, and in 2020, raised the levies to 25% on a far longer list. “The first round applied to only a small percentage of our imports from China due to so many exemptions. But the second 25% tariffs hit half of those imports,” recalls Einhorn. The growing antagonism toward China from both political parties, he reckoned, meant the big tariffs were now a lasting fixture of the trade landscape.

Dealmed swapped its purchases of paper for surgical gowns and operating table coverings to the U.S., even though they cost 15% more to make here than in Shenzhen or Nanjing, and relocated its testing-product output stateside as well. By the close of 2019, Dealmed’s glove-making had moved from majority-sourced from China to mainly fabricated in Malaysia. It also found new suppliers in Mexico, Canada, Vietnam, and India. Just before the pandemic struck, Dealmed was collecting just 15% of its revenues from Chinese imports, down two-thirds from its peak two years earlier. “The goal then,” says Einhorn, “was to pull all production out of China.”

How COVID spurred China to get ahead

The “downsize China” gambit proved a winner. The sudden, sweeping outbreak in the nation that birthed COVID shuttered China’s entire export sector in early 2020. By diversifying supply chains to Vietnam, Malaysia, and the U.S., Dealmed succeeded in filling a far bigger share of orders to doctors’ offices and clinics than its still mostly China-dependent rivals. But once the Chinese manufacturers rebooted in the spring of 2020, Einhorn witnessed up close the gigantic profits they reaped both from super-high, shortage-induced prices charged for normally routine stuff, and the surge in volumes for medical supplies the U.S. eventually imported to fight the scourge. He relates that Dealmed was still buying most of its face masks from China in the spring of 2020—and for months it was paying $2 per flimsy cloth covering, seven times the pre-pandemic charge.

The U.S.-China “Phase One” agreement signed that year effectively ended the big duties on medical imports—except for remaining levies on active ingredients in pharmaceuticals—as it turned out, for the next half-decade. Still, Einhorn’s customers suffered greatly from the Chinese shutdown early in the crisis and feared the return of tariffs. Dealmed led the industry in limiting risks by shunning the world’s biggest exporter and widening its global network. Einhorn reckoned that clinics and hospitals would deem Dealmed’s broad diversification a major advantage over its rivals that mainly remained China-centric.

That’s not what happened. “At first, our customers said, ‘We can’t rely on China,’” Einhorn recalls. “They encouraged us to diversify. We told them we were the best positioned because we had the widest global sourcing. Then, our customers quickly forgot about the COVID disruptions caused by China.” He recounts that the group purchasing organizations (GPOs) that negotiate contracts with manufacturers for equipment sales to hospitals and clinics, and medical practices that deal directly with insurers, dropped their brief enthusiasm for diversifying the supply chain, and sought the best prices, no matter where the gauze, face masks, or devices came from. “It was sad,” declares Einhorn. “Being the most diversified didn’t matter to our customers as memories of the pandemic receded. The insurers would only reimburse the providers based on the lowest cost. It was all about price. You couldn’t get the business by saying the product was made in the U.S. or Malaysia or Vietnam.”

As U.S. health care scoured the globe for the best bargains in the aftermath of COVID, the Chinese medical supplies sector embarked on an enormous expansion in scope and expertise. The impetus: the huge profits generated during the crisis. “The Chinese did a fabulous job building out their manufacturing capacity by reinvesting the big money they made during COVID,” says Einhorn. A prime example: INTCO Medical in Shandong province on China’s east coast. In 2020 INTCO multiplied its operating income sixfold over the previous year, and rechanneled the bonanza into building a web of plants that now covers five cities in its home nation, and a big factory in Vietnam, as well as planting sales organizations in the U.S., Canada, Germany, and Japan. INTCO’s sudden rise reportedly made its founder a billionaire.

The immense improvement in China’s medical-industrial engine triggered another U-turn for Dealmed. “We were growing rapidly and added a couple of hundred new products that we manufactured in the two years after COVID,” says Einhorn. “Some drifted back to China. I’d move a product from China to Vietnam, then a new product would go to China. As that happened, we realized that the best source was China. Its manufacturers became more aggressive post-COVID. They doubled down and invested in their products. Their quality became superior to everyone else’s in the world. No other country could match their automation, their capacity. They became very sophisticated.” Most of all, China offered the lowest prices that fit the U.S. providers’ jump from briefly wanting to widely disperse their purchases to grabbing the cheapest deals.

No better options

In 2024 the Biden regime launched a crackdown on the Chinese tech sector, especially targeting Beijing’s semiconductor industry. The mini trade war spilled over into medical equipment. Between late September 2024 and Jan. 1, 2025, the administration imposed “Section 301” duties of 25% on face masks and respirators, 50% on surgical gloves, and 100% on syringes and needles. “The Chinese saw what was going to happen a couple of years before and started building plants in Vietnam,” says Einhorn. “We shifted some of our production to Vietnam. But the companies were backed by companies in China.” Many items including paper products and testing equipment that Dealmed mainly ferried from China, didn’t get pounded by the 301 levies. But even for syringes and other targeted items, Einhorn found that after tacking on the tariffs, he could sell the Chinese products at the same or lower prices than the same goods made anywhere else. “Despite the 301 tariffs, we mainly stayed with China,” he says.

The 301 blow, however, proved relatively mild versus the Trump fusillade to come. Trump started at a 10% levy in February that he raised to 25% in early March, before uncorking the notorious 135% Liberation Day “reciprocal” load on April 9. That fresh heap got stacked atop the 301 duties, bringing the all-in for needles and syringes, for instance, to 235%. The Jenga-like tower of tariffs caused a serious but little reported problem for importers such as Dealmed. “This created a difficult dynamic for managing cash flow,” explains Einhorn. “When a container of syringes hit a U.S. port, I would have to pay the 235% tariff before the product hit the shelves. I would have been laying out enormous amounts of money in advance for a product that wouldn’t be sold for two or three weeks.”

To avoid the huge upfront cash payments, Einhorn severely slowed shipments from China. But he was also wagering that the initial, virtually embargo-sized levies wouldn’t last. His Chinese suppliers designed an elegant solution. “They were very savvy,” recalls Einhorn. “They said, ‘We’ll cut your prices by 10%. We’ll make the product for you, and store it for you, at no charge for three to four months.’ In effect, we were both hedging that the Trump tariffs wouldn’t stay at anything like those triple-digit levels.” When Trump announced the 90-day suspension of the reciprocal tariffs on May 12, the rate on Dealmed’s purchases dropped, from 235% for syringes and 160% on face masks to 130% and 55%, respectively. Einhorn then took delivery, enabling him to sidestep the cash-drain problem, and offer far lower prices to his customers.

For Einhorn, the Trump 30% extra tariffs are far from a deal killer for buying Chinese. “I’ll move some products away, but we’ll stay with China for now as the main supplier,” he declares. Even the total 130% duties aren’t stopping him from successfully selling syringes and needles to U.S. customers. All told, Dealmed’s not planning to backtrack on all the production it restored to China, as its manufacturing improved so notably following the pandemic. The overwhelming majority of gloves and paper contract-manufacturing that went from China to Malaysia, and to the U.S. and Canada, respectively, is now back in the nation where Dealmed debuted its outsourcing model. He finds that Vietnam and other Asian rivals to China not only generally charge somewhat higher prices, but lack China’s quality, range of products, and giant infrastructure that fosters superior economies of scale and guarantees that its manufacturers can meet sudden surges in orders by delivering huge quantities.

Einhorn avows that his company is getting over 40% of its revenues from products made in China, roughly back to the summit of 2018—and a much bigger number in dollar terms, since Dealmed has grown so much in those seven years.

Judging from what he’s seen firsthand, the Trump trade war won’t succeed at its objective. “It’s a misconception that the U.S. can extract ‘burden sharing’ by getting Chinese and other foreign companies to absorb the tariffs,” he says. He sees every day that hospitals and clinics, not the Chinese exporters, are paying the tariffs and passing the costs along to insurers, and hence the individuals and companies that pay the premiums.

He doesn’t have all the answers. “I’d rather do business in the U.S.,” he says. But he notes that issues ranging from extremely high workers’ compensation costs to mandated purchases of high-cost electricity handicap U.S. players on the world stage. “There have to be a series of incentives to lower costs for U.S. manufacturers,” he says. “Unless we can match the quality and pricing of China, my customers won’t pay more because it’s made in the U.S.” For now, he says, it comes down to this: “Cutting out China is not an option.”

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