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通胀前景不容乐观,美联储将采取行动

通胀前景不容乐观,美联储将采取行动

Philipp Carlsson-Szlezak, Paul Swartz 2021-11-15
有关杰罗姆·鲍威尔去留的政治决定将使美联储的独立性再引热议,通胀形势再添变数。

2021年9月,美联储主席杰罗姆·鲍威尔于美国众议院金融服务委员会(House Financial Services Committee)的听证会上作证。图片来源:SARAH SILBIGER—UPI/BLOOMBERG/GETTY IMAGES

经过夏天的休整,通胀恐慌再次卷土重来。反复出现的高通胀数据似乎印证了悲观者的预测。在他们的预测中,美联储早已犯下严重的“政策错误”——对数据的错误解读导致物价失控。雪上加霜的是,随着中期选举年的迫近,有关杰罗姆·鲍威尔去留的政治决定将使美联储的独立性再引热议,通胀形势再添变数。

要判断目前美国经济的状况是否会重蹈20世纪70年代和80年代初结构性通胀高企的覆辙,有几种情况可供参考。虽然结构性体制崩溃是一种可能的结果,但它仍然只构成风险因素的一小部分,远比新闻头条让人相信的小得多。

重蹈覆辙——20世纪40年代末还是60年代末?

第一种情况很简单:随着受到新冠疫情影响的经济回归正轨,高企的物价也将逐渐回落。这种暂时通胀的论调听来令人满意,也是美联储目前所持立场。但是,他们如何确定通胀是不是已经发生转移?

事实上,谁也不知道,包括美联储。但我们还是能够找到充分的理由来证明这种论调并非一厢情愿。要了解原因,可以参考两个相似案例,然后问自己:哪一种更符合当下的形势?

第一个案例是20世纪40年代末。当时,第二次世界大战对供需造成了严重破坏。战争结束后,消费激增,然而,面对如此繁荣的消费,生产力的追赶尚需时日。于是,通货膨胀飙升至接近20%(1947年3月达到顶峰),然后随着经济的调整而逐渐回落;结构性崩溃得以避免。

而20世纪60年代末的情况则刚好相反。长期运行的经济周期带来了极低的失业率和强劲的工资增长,从而刺激了通货膨胀。此外,美联储在收到经济疲软信号的第一时间就采取宽松政策,造成了通胀的进一步走高,以至最终完全失控。20世纪70年代石油危机过后,维持健康通胀区制的最后根基也被消耗殆尽,通胀率结构性高企,并彻底抛锚。直到20世纪80年代初,两位数的高利率和严重的经济衰退才将通胀从经济中完全消除。

尽管前景黯淡和结构突变是新闻媒体释放出的明确信号,许多证据也显示,目前的形势可能与20世纪40年代更为相似。如今,美国经济处于系统性震荡后的复原阶段,需求旺盛,但产品和劳动市场供应链和需求链的恢复步调互不一致,导致复苏有压力。

一些数据信息也支持了这种观点:物价增速有限的原因是,涨价商品占比极小,受经济重启的影响却是最大。值得庆幸的是,最近的月环比核心通胀率显著放缓,仅略高于2%的年化增长率。与此同时,年环比通胀率将继续保持较高水平。首次显著回缩可能会出现在明年的4月和5月——今年同一时期曾经出现物价暴涨。

美联储仍然谨慎观望

许多人认为,暂时性通胀论调过于乐观。但是,我们面临的可能不仅是20世纪70年代式结构性坍塌的二元结局。

在第二种情况下,通胀将不会缓和,而是保持高位,且在整个消费篮子扩散。这时,美联储将不得不接受滞胀新现实,并采取相应行动。它将通过采取比预期更为激进的加息措施来履行其稳定物价的职责。由于加息所需的货币紧缩措施力度难以把握,最终可能导致经济的急剧放缓,甚至出现衰退。

美联储将在多大程度上扮演好急刹车的角色——以及能否成功呢?政策错误确实存在,且不容忽视。央行调控经济所依赖的数据又过于滞后和不可靠。有时,政策错误带来的利弊和风险也会使他们犹豫不决。2011年欧洲中央银行(European Central Bank)就在通胀超调的恐慌下,大举加息,导致经济二次探底。

但是,由于关于通胀的辩论日益白热化,结构性通胀的可能性也日趋凸显,很难想象美联储会任由通胀根深蒂固而坐视不理。回到前面20世纪40年代末的例子:尽管通胀基本得以回缩,但此前采取的货币紧缩政策却在一定程度上导致了1948年12月开始的经济衰退。

美联储决策失误的可能原因

人们对结构性体制崩溃的恐慌和厌恶无可厚非,而长期的政策错误最终可能会造成这一后果。导致这第三种情况发生的原因可能有两种。

第一种是观念上的。有别于一次性的数据误读,在这种情况下,央行认为自己的决策是正确的,于是进一步错上加错。

这种观念性错误是导致20世纪60年代末通胀体制崩溃的一大原因。经济的通胀容纳能力被过分高估,失业率可以一降再降的错误观念挥之不去。政策制定者以为当时的货币政策已经足够紧缩,然而事实上已经过于宽松。

那么,哪些因素可能导致现在的观念性错误呢?经济学不同于物理和化学,没有许多广为人知和恒久不变的核心原则。比如,利率上调到什么程度政策要开始收紧,以及失业率下降到多低时会导致经济过热(经济学分别以r*和u*来表示利率和失业率),这些都只能够靠预测和估计。

可能造成的相应的观念性错误是,人们会像20世纪90年代末一样,越来越相信,生产力的繁荣可以扩大经济的容纳能力,于是,错误地以为宽松政策恰逢其时。而如果央行再进一步被鼓动去解决其他一些现实挑战,又可能会有新的观念错误产生。对于这些迫在眉睫的现实问题,不管是气候变化还是人类的不平等,央行的政策工具能够发挥的作用都十分有限,同时还可能造成目标间的冲突。

面对政治施压,美联储是否妥协?

可能导致第三种情况结构性体制崩溃发生的另一原因,是美联储迫于政治压力,背离初心。

现代央行的机制设计导致其对政治独立性的高度敏感。相比负责稳定物价的央行银行家,政客们拥有的(竞选)时间窗口较短,所以很少(甚至不会)在短期内实施限制经济的政策,也是情有可原。纵观历史,政客们曾经多次利用货币政策谋取政治利益,但价格稳定很少与之同行。因此,大部分发达经济体都实现了行政与货币政策决策的分离。

但央行的“独立性”仅仅是一个不成文的主张,即使编进法律,也依赖于实际行动的维护。美国总统影响干涉美联储行为的情况屡见不鲜——从20世纪60年代向美联储主席小威廉·麦克切斯尼·马丁施压的林登·约翰逊,到让自己人亚瑟·伯恩斯取而代之的理查德·尼克松。即便是曾经亲手结束美国大通胀时期的保罗·沃克,也难逃总统罗纳德·里根的强硬施压。

使当下通胀形势再添变数的是,随着明年2月中期选举的正式开始,杰罗姆·鲍威尔的任期也将宣告结束,总统乔·拜登将对其是否连任做出最后决策。

作为央行的美联储,能够保持其独立性,在美国政府尤显珍贵,它是保证来自两党的尊敬和支持的基础。唐纳德·特朗普打破美联储主席连任的传统,让杰罗姆·鲍威尔接替珍妮特·耶伦的决定,曾经令这份党派的敬意首次面临危机。当鲍威尔没有按照他的公开要求进行降息时,他又向鲍威尔和央行体制公开发难,令这份敬意更加摇摇欲坠。以往总是展开于幕后的政治压力被首次展现到台前。

拜登总统会不会效仿特朗普扶持自己的人手坐上主席席位?若真如此,是否意味着财政和货币政策将双管齐下,进一步使行政凌驾于物价稳定之上?

虽然不排除有这种可能性,但发生的机率不大。拜登曾经公开为美联储保持独立的重要性背书,鲍威尔的连任将为其提供一个扫清疑虑的机会。即使真的面临撤换,利率决策也并非联储主席一人之令——尽管主席确实享有很大权力,而是要经过委员会成员的投票,而这些委员会成员的任命并非都出自政治考量。

如今的经济震荡与第一种情况下吻合,随着经济逐渐回到正轨,通胀便会随之消退。忽视这一点,对悲观者而言有害无利。但如果通胀持续扩张并保持高位,另一种情况也不容忽视,美联储可能采取愈加强硬的措施以控制通胀,但经济衰退的风险也将接踵而至。所以,最不可能出现的情况,是像20世纪70年代那样,由于通胀的彻底失控而触发结构性体制崩溃。虽然这种情况也不能完全排除,但足以触发结构性崩溃的长期政策错误还尚未出现。(财富中文网)

菲利普·卡尔森-斯莱扎克是波士顿咨询公司(BCG)全球首席经济学家及纽约事务所董事总经理兼合伙人。保罗·斯沃茨是位于纽约的波士顿咨询公司亨德森智库(BCG Henderson Institute)的董事及资深经济学家。

译者:刘潇怡

经过夏天的休整,通胀恐慌再次卷土重来。反复出现的高通胀数据似乎印证了悲观者的预测。在他们的预测中,美联储早已犯下严重的“政策错误”——对数据的错误解读导致物价失控。雪上加霜的是,随着中期选举年的迫近,有关杰罗姆·鲍威尔去留的政治决定将使美联储的独立性再引热议,通胀形势再添变数。

要判断目前美国经济的状况是否会重蹈20世纪70年代和80年代初结构性通胀高企的覆辙,有几种情况可供参考。虽然结构性体制崩溃是一种可能的结果,但它仍然只构成风险因素的一小部分,远比新闻头条让人相信的小得多。

重蹈覆辙——20世纪40年代末还是60年代末

第一种情况很简单:随着受到新冠疫情影响的经济回归正轨,高企的物价也将逐渐回落。这种暂时通胀的论调听来令人满意,也是美联储目前所持立场。但是,他们如何确定通胀是不是已经发生转移?

事实上,谁也不知道,包括美联储。但我们还是能够找到充分的理由来证明这种论调并非一厢情愿。要了解原因,可以参考两个相似案例,然后问自己:哪一种更符合当下的形势?

第一个案例是20世纪40年代末。当时,第二次世界大战对供需造成了严重破坏。战争结束后,消费激增,然而,面对如此繁荣的消费,生产力的追赶尚需时日。于是,通货膨胀飙升至接近20%(1947年3月达到顶峰),然后随着经济的调整而逐渐回落;结构性崩溃得以避免。

而20世纪60年代末的情况则刚好相反。长期运行的经济周期带来了极低的失业率和强劲的工资增长,从而刺激了通货膨胀。此外,美联储在收到经济疲软信号的第一时间就采取宽松政策,造成了通胀的进一步走高,以至最终完全失控。20世纪70年代石油危机过后,维持健康通胀区制的最后根基也被消耗殆尽,通胀率结构性高企,并彻底抛锚。直到20世纪80年代初,两位数的高利率和严重的经济衰退才将通胀从经济中完全消除。

尽管前景黯淡和结构突变是新闻媒体释放出的明确信号,许多证据也显示,目前的形势可能与20世纪40年代更为相似。如今,美国经济处于系统性震荡后的复原阶段,需求旺盛,但产品和劳动市场供应链和需求链的恢复步调互不一致,导致复苏有压力。

一些数据信息也支持了这种观点:物价增速有限的原因是,涨价商品占比极小,受经济重启的影响却是最大。值得庆幸的是,最近的月环比核心通胀率显著放缓,仅略高于2%的年化增长率。与此同时,年环比通胀率将继续保持较高水平。首次显著回缩可能会出现在明年的4月和5月——今年同一时期曾经出现物价暴涨。

美联储仍然谨慎观望

许多人认为,暂时性通胀论调过于乐观。但是,我们面临的可能不仅是20世纪70年代式结构性坍塌的二元结局。

在第二种情况下,通胀将不会缓和,而是保持高位,且在整个消费篮子扩散。这时,美联储将不得不接受滞胀新现实,并采取相应行动。它将通过采取比预期更为激进的加息措施来履行其稳定物价的职责。由于加息所需的货币紧缩措施力度难以把握,最终可能导致经济的急剧放缓,甚至出现衰退。

美联储将在多大程度上扮演好急刹车的角色——以及能否成功呢?政策错误确实存在,且不容忽视。央行调控经济所依赖的数据又过于滞后和不可靠。有时,政策错误带来的利弊和风险也会使他们犹豫不决。2011年欧洲中央银行(European Central Bank)就在通胀超调的恐慌下,大举加息,导致经济二次探底。

但是,由于关于通胀的辩论日益白热化,结构性通胀的可能性也日趋凸显,很难想象美联储会任由通胀根深蒂固而坐视不理。回到前面20世纪40年代末的例子:尽管通胀基本得以回缩,但此前采取的货币紧缩政策却在一定程度上导致了1948年12月开始的经济衰退。

美联储决策失误的可能原因

人们对结构性体制崩溃的恐慌和厌恶无可厚非,而长期的政策错误最终可能会造成这一后果。导致这第三种情况发生的原因可能有两种。

第一种是观念上的。有别于一次性的数据误读,在这种情况下,央行认为自己的决策是正确的,于是进一步错上加错。

这种观念性错误是导致20世纪60年代末通胀体制崩溃的一大原因。经济的通胀容纳能力被过分高估,失业率可以一降再降的错误观念挥之不去。政策制定者以为当时的货币政策已经足够紧缩,然而事实上已经过于宽松。

那么,哪些因素可能导致现在的观念性错误呢?经济学不同于物理和化学,没有许多广为人知和恒久不变的核心原则。比如,利率上调到什么程度政策要开始收紧,以及失业率下降到多低时会导致经济过热(经济学分别以r*和u*来表示利率和失业率),这些都只能够靠预测和估计。

可能造成的相应的观念性错误是,人们会像20世纪90年代末一样,越来越相信,生产力的繁荣可以扩大经济的容纳能力,于是,错误地以为宽松政策恰逢其时。而如果央行再进一步被鼓动去解决其他一些现实挑战,又可能会有新的观念错误产生。对于这些迫在眉睫的现实问题,不管是气候变化还是人类的不平等,央行的政策工具能够发挥的作用都十分有限,同时还可能造成目标间的冲突。

面对政治施压,美联储是否妥协?

可能导致第三种情况结构性体制崩溃发生的另一原因,是美联储迫于政治压力,背离初心。

现代央行的机制设计导致其对政治独立性的高度敏感。相比负责稳定物价的央行银行家,政客们拥有的(竞选)时间窗口较短,所以很少(甚至不会)在短期内实施限制经济的政策,也是情有可原。纵观历史,政客们曾经多次利用货币政策谋取政治利益,但价格稳定很少与之同行。因此,大部分发达经济体都实现了行政与货币政策决策的分离。

但央行的“独立性”仅仅是一个不成文的主张,即使编进法律,也依赖于实际行动的维护。美国总统影响干涉美联储行为的情况屡见不鲜——从20世纪60年代向美联储主席小威廉·麦克切斯尼·马丁施压的林登·约翰逊,到让自己人亚瑟·伯恩斯取而代之的理查德·尼克松。即便是曾经亲手结束美国大通胀时期的保罗·沃克,也难逃总统罗纳德·里根的强硬施压。

使当下通胀形势再添变数的是,随着明年2月中期选举的正式开始,杰罗姆·鲍威尔的任期也将宣告结束,总统乔·拜登将对其是否连任做出最后决策。

作为央行的美联储,能够保持其独立性,在美国政府尤显珍贵,它是保证来自两党的尊敬和支持的基础。唐纳德·特朗普打破美联储主席连任的传统,让杰罗姆·鲍威尔接替珍妮特·耶伦的决定,曾经令这份党派的敬意首次面临危机。当鲍威尔没有按照他的公开要求进行降息时,他又向鲍威尔和央行体制公开发难,令这份敬意更加摇摇欲坠。以往总是展开于幕后的政治压力被首次展现到台前。

拜登总统会不会效仿特朗普扶持自己的人手坐上主席席位?若真如此,是否意味着财政和货币政策将双管齐下,进一步使行政凌驾于物价稳定之上?

虽然不排除有这种可能性,但发生的机率不大。拜登曾经公开为美联储保持独立的重要性背书,鲍威尔的连任将为其提供一个扫清疑虑的机会。即使真的面临撤换,利率决策也并非联储主席一人之令——尽管主席确实享有很大权力,而是要经过委员会成员的投票,而这些委员会成员的任命并非都出自政治考量。

如今的经济震荡与第一种情况下吻合,随着经济逐渐回到正轨,通胀便会随之消退。忽视这一点,对悲观者而言有害无利。但如果通胀持续扩张并保持高位,另一种情况也不容忽视,美联储可能采取愈加强硬的措施以控制通胀,但经济衰退的风险也将接踵而至。所以,最不可能出现的情况,是像20世纪70年代那样,由于通胀的彻底失控而触发结构性体制崩溃。虽然这种情况也不能完全排除,但足以触发结构性崩溃的长期政策错误还尚未出现。(财富中文网)

菲利普·卡尔森-斯莱扎克是波士顿咨询公司(BCG)全球首席经济学家及纽约事务所董事总经理兼合伙人。保罗·斯沃茨是位于纽约的波士顿咨询公司亨德森智库(BCG Henderson Institute)的董事及资深经济学家。

译者:刘潇怡

After a summer hiatus, inflation fears are back with a vengeance. Repeated high inflation prints seemingly support the doomsayers’ case. To them, the Federal Reserve has already committed a serious “policy error”—a misreading of the data that will allow prices to spiral out of control. To complicate matters, politics is injecting itself in an uncomfortable way. A political decision is looming about Jerome Powell’s reappointment—or replacement—allowing the topic of the Fed’s political independence to cast a shadow over the inflation debate just as we approach a midterm election year.

To gauge whether the current path could return the U.S. economy to a world of structurally high inflation, last seen in the 1970s and early 1980s, it is helpful to spell out a set of scenarios. While a structural regime break is one possible outcome, it remains a far smaller part of the risk distribution than headlines might make one believe.

Is today more like the late 1940s or late 1960s?

The first scenario is simple: Current high price growth will fade away as the economy recovers from the dislocations suffered at the hands of the pandemic. This transitory narrative is roughly the position of the Fed and can appear complacent. How could they know that inflation is not already metastasizing?

In fact, the Fed cannot know, and neither can anyone else. But there are some good reasons that make this scenario more than just wishful thinking. To see why, consider two analogies and ask: Which describes today’s situation better?

The first is the late 1940s. World War II had wreaked havoc on supply and demand. When the war ended, consumption exploded, but it took time to reorient production to a consumer boom. Inflation spiked—to near 20% (peaking in March 1947)—then came down as the economy adjusted; no structural break in inflation.

Contrast that with the late 1960s. A long-running economic cycle delivered very low unemployment rates and strong wage growth that spurred inflation. Despite this, the Fed eased policy at the first sign of weakness, and inflation moved higher and eventually became unhinged. Structurally high and unanchored inflation was widespread by the time the 1970s oil shocks finished off any remaining foundations of a healthy inflation regime. It took double-digit interest rates and severe recessions in the early 1980s to wring inflation out of the economy.

Though headlines have clearly settled on doom and structural break, a lot of evidence supports the idea that we’re in the middle of a 1940s-like situation. Today’s economy is bouncing back from a systemic shock with a demand boom, while creaking under the pressures in product and labor markets, where demand and supply normalize at different speeds.

A few data points back this up: Price growth is narrow, as the price surge has been driven by a smaller set of items most influenced by reopening. Encouragingly, recent core month-over-month inflation prints have moderated markedly—running just above an annualized 2% growth rate. Meanwhile, the year-over-year inflation prints must stay high for some time. Their first opportunity to decline significantly will be April and May of next year—because those were the months this year when prices soared.

The Fed is still on watch

To many, the transitory inflation scenario seems too optimistic. Yet, it would be a mistake to believe there is only the binary alternative of a 1970s-style structural collapse.

Rather, in a second scenario inflation would not moderate but would remain elevated and broaden across the consumption basket. In that case, it would be incumbent upon the Fed to accept a new reality of sticky inflation—and act on it. The Fed would live up to its mandate of price stability by raising rates more aggressively than planned. As the right dose of required monetary headwind is exceedingly hard to gauge, this would risk a sharp slowdown and even a recession.

How likely is it that the Fed acts as an emergency brake—or fails to do so? Policy errors happen and cannot be dismissed. Too lagged and unreliable are the data on which central bankers rely to steer the economy. And sometimes they are reluctant to act decisively because the risk of policy error cuts both ways. Consider the European Central Bank (ECB) in 2011, which, spooked by an inflationary overshoot, hiked rates and delivered a double-dip recession.

However, given the centrality of the unfolding debate and painful awareness of the risks of a structural inflation problem, it is difficult to imagine the Fed sitting idly by as inflation became entrenched. Returning to our late 1940s example: Though inflation had come down most of the way, a recession began in December 1948 that is partially attributed to preceding monetary tightening.

What could lead the Fed astray?

Sometimes policy errors persist, and when that happens they can lead over time to the kind of structural regime break that rightfully is so feared and loathed. There are two paths into such a third scenario.

The first is conceptual in nature. Rather than a one-off misreading of the data, the central bank believes it’s doing the right thing and thus doubles down on errors already committed.

Such a conceptual error was a big part of how the inflation regime broke down in the late 1960s. Perceptions of the economy’s capacity were overstated, and a mistaken belief persisted that unemployment could be pushed lower still. Policymakers believed they were already in tight monetary policy when in fact it was much too loose.

What might underpin a conceptual mistake today? Economics is unlike physics or chemistry, where many core principles are well known and stable. For instance, the interest rate at which policy turns tight, or how low the unemployment rate can go without overheating the economy—variables known as r* and u* in the trade—are guesstimates at best.

Plausible conceptual errors could be a growing belief that a productivity boom—akin to the late 1990s—is shifting up the economy’s capacity, thus conceptually justifying loose policy. New conceptual errors could emerge if central bankers are nudged to tackle other real challenges. Those could range from climate change to inequality—pressing problems for which central banks’ tool sets are of limited use and would create competing objectives.

Could the Fed be compromised?

The other path into the third scenario of a structural regime break is political pressure that distorts the objectives of the central bank.

Central banks’ modern institutional design is hyperconscious of the value of independence. It is understood that politicians have a shorter (electoral) time horizon than the guardians of price stability and that they will rarely (if ever) decide to constrain the economy in the short run. History has many examples of monetary policy used for political gains, rarely is that compatible with price stability. For that reason, most advanced economies have settled on separating the executive from monetary policy decisions.

But central bank “independence” is just an idea, and even when codified it’s only as strong as the behaviors that back it up. The Fed has a colorful history of being pressured by presidents—ranging from LBJ leaning on Fed Chair William McChesney Martin in the 1960s, to Nixon installing his own man at the Fed, Arthur Burns. Even Paul Volcker, who tamed the Great Inflation, came under pressure from Reagan.

To complicate today’s inflation outlook, President Biden has an opportunity to reappoint or replace Jerome Powell, whose term ends in February 2022, the start of a midterm election year.

Central bank independence is a rarefied jewel in Washington as it retains respect and support amongst both parties. This bipartisan respect was threatened when Trump broke with the tradition of reappointing the chair, tapping Jerome Powell to replace Janet Yellen. This risk grew when Trump took to publicly trashing Powell and the institution when Powell did not accede to his open demands for rate cuts. This introduced a rather more public version of the political pressure that realistically has always been meted out behind the scenes.

Is President Biden likely to follow in Trump’s footsteps and install his own Fed chair? And if so, would that put us on a path of synchronized fiscal and monetary policy to further the aims of an administration over price stability?

It cannot be ruled out, but the risk is quite low. Biden has already publicly acknowledged the importance of Fed independence, and Powell’s reappointment is an opportunity to rise above such suspicions. And even if he did, the Fed chair—though wielding significant power—does not make interest rate decisions alone but as part of a committee of voting members that are not all politically appointed.

Today’s economic whiplash squares well with the first scenario of an inflation that fades as a wrenched economy normalizes. Pessimists dismiss it at their peril. But if inflation broadens and remains elevated, a scenario that cannot be dismissed either, expect increasingly forceful pushback from the Fed, which would contain inflation but do so at the risk of triggering a recession. This leaves the least likely path forward being a structural regime break where inflation becomes unhinged as it did in the 1970s. While this is not impossible there has not yet been time for a sustained policy error that would be required.

Philipp Carlsson-Szlezak is a managing director and partner in BCG’s New York office and the firm’s global chief economist. Paul Swartz is a director and senior economist at BCG Henderson Institute in New York.

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