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揭秘默克尔史诗般的“升职记”

揭秘默克尔史诗般的“升职记”

KATI MARTON 2021年10月27日
以及她不为人知的另一面。

安格拉·默克尔(Angela Merkel)到底是谁?这位直言不讳、相貌平平的女性是如何成为世界上最受人尊敬的领导人之一的?

默克尔也许是世界上最注重隐私的公众人物,围绕她的谜团隐藏得很深。

在她的带领下,德国和欧洲渡过了持续已久的重重危机,经历了全球金融危机、百万中东难民涌入、另类右派的崛起、特朗普执政、中国崛起,当然还有新冠肺炎疫情。这些现象级的成就说明,有志于在任何领域担任领导职务的人员,无论男女,都应该学习安格拉·默克尔充满智慧的成功秘诀。

默克尔其实拥有三重身份——科学家、女性和东德人。她克服重重困难,升任总理并在职十六年。

早年间,她在德国刚统一时的首都波恩担任政治家。她一边观察一边向前辈们学习,其中包括她最重要的导师——前总理赫尔穆特·科尔(Helmut Kohl)。科尔和其他大多数人都小瞧了她,那时她已经担任妇女儿童部部长,是一名精明的战略政治家,甚至还在进行自我改造。作为牧师之女,她学会了如何低调行事。这项品质在她宁静但杀伐果决的晋升之路上发挥了重要作用。

作为德国历史上最年轻的部长——时年36岁,而且还是来自东德的女性,默克尔知道所有人都在关注着她。然而,即使对于像默克尔那样渴望学习新方法的人来说,从东德到西德的道路有时也不好走。

安格拉·默克尔对自己外貌引发的关注感到特别震惊。在东德,可以满足人们虚荣心的店铺寥寥无几。人民百货公司每季一般只会推出两款新外套,而“时尚”并不是在售商品。东德人也许衣着寒酸,但大家都习以为常。突然之间,安格拉不入时的发型、平底鞋和不象样的外套,全都被放到眼前仔细审视了一番。

科尔内阁中“唯二”的另一位东德人,新任科技部长保罗·克鲁格(Paul Krüger)回忆说:“我在政治活动中注意到安格拉,她对自己的外表毫不在意,这让我感到很震惊。她挺引人注目,但很有风度。很难说清楚,但从一开始,我就觉得她与众不同。她是个有威信的人。”藏而不露(Mehr sein als schein)是安格拉接受的路德宗教义之一。而她的新职业要求重视外表,就对这种处世准则构成了挑战。德梅齐埃(De Maizière)以及后来的赫尔穆特·科尔都恳请他们的女助手提高默克尔那根本不存在的时尚感。

德梅齐埃回忆称“安格拉穿得像个学生,凉鞋和宽松的裤子是她的标配”。在他们第一次正式访问莫斯科前,德梅齐埃曾对自己的办公室经理说,“请和默克尔博士谈一谈,如果她仍像那样打扮,我恐怕无法和她一起去。”当默克尔穿着新衣服去莫斯科时,他试图鼓励她,“哇!安格拉,你看起来真不错!”她非但没有对这番恭维感到高兴,反而“涨得满脸通红。整个局面十分尴尬”。对这种情况的疑问可以追溯到20世纪90年代流传的一个冷笑话:

“默克尔是怎样处理她的旧衣服的?”

“穿上。”

“对于男士而言,连续一百天穿深蓝色套装都不成问题”,默克尔嘟囔说。“但如果我一件夹克穿了四次,我就会收到市民来信. . .曾经有一名摄影师躺在桌下就为了给我踩弯的鞋跟拍照”。但她一如既往地调整适应。为了不让自己的外表成为话题,默克尔添置了一衣柜相当于一套男士深色西服的衣服:满满一柜都是汉堡一家知名时装店设计的四四方方的彩色夹克、舒适的黑色裤子和黑色平底鞋。最后,她甚至接受了发型师每日为她打理头发,作为为工作牺牲的代价。她的老朋友迈克尔·辛德海姆(Michael Schindhelm)紧身连衣裙回忆说,当他在萨尔茨堡音乐节(Salzburg Music Festival)上看到默克尔穿着一条紧身连衣裙(一种褶皱全镶边的巴伐利亚民族服饰)时,他感到非常惊讶。“安格拉,这是我第一次看到你穿裙子!”他惊呼,但默克尔却明显感到不自在。

然而,当英国外交官保罗·利弗(Paul Lever)称赞她在奥斯陆歌剧院所穿的华丽晚礼服时,他说:“女士,您看起来棒极了!”默克尔似乎很高兴,并谈到了一些裙子的细节和它的设计师。但是,媒体对她换下乏味的“制服”装扮进行了大肆报道,这打消了她再穿裙子的想法。

此外,默克尔在其他公众形象方面也遭遇了难题。例如,站在讲台面前时手应该如何摆放的问题。她知道她的不安传达了错误的信息。在反复试错以后,她摆出了“默克尔菱形”,即双手指尖相触,这成为了她的标志性手势。(多年后,她的政党在政治活动中不仅比出这个手势,还加上口号“德国的未来掌握在优秀者的手中”。)

尽管有这样的尴尬,但在上世纪九十年代的波恩,人们普遍认为,这位来自东德的年轻女性蹿升得太快了。这倒也是事实,至少说,进入政界不到一年就担任内阁职务,这是极不寻常的。科尔总理已经开始把她视作门生,此举让总理圈子内的其他人以及基民盟的人都惴惴不安,他们认为默克尔不过是个来自东德的插班生,既不受欢迎也不够格,并没有赢得她的政治地位。从此以后,喜好在下班时间大谈政治的首都各家酒馆就经常响起“谁能阻止她”这个话题。

曾经有一个不被默克尔察觉的事实:早在默克尔从政之前,基民盟党内有12名前途无量的年轻男性,他们联手创建了一个“工作小组”,而女性(在基民盟的等级制度中,女性本就是罕见物种)被排除在外。这些男性把自己的工作小组称为“安第斯条约”(Andes Pact),他们都来自富裕的德国工业州,承诺互相支持彼此发迹。这个工作小组的成立相当于发出了明确的提醒信号:女性在党内高层不受欢迎。

但默克尔是个非常有智慧的人,她开始构建自己的政治基础,摆脱强势男性赞助人的影响。她代表前东德的梅克伦堡-前波美拉尼亚地区(Mecklenburg Vorpommern)参与竞选,赢得了德国联邦议院的一个席位(虽然不是担任内阁职务的必要条件,但大多数部长都是联邦议院的议员)。冈瑟·克劳泽(Gunther Krause)也曾为默克尔扫清道路,他是当地著名的政治人物,但因与国家安全部(Stasi)的关系而落马。尽管默克尔并非来自崎岖多山的波罗的海地区,但在竞选时,她与渔民们一起痛饮当地的杜松子酒,以其简单的情感和年轻派的乐观主义赢得了支持。身为竞选者,她并没有以高人一等的态度对待选民,或者假装知晓所有问题的答案,而是身体力行地去倾听、表示同情。她用自己特有的朴素风格来表达自己,让当地人相信,她就是他们中的一员。自1990年以来,默克尔在每次联邦选举中都被选民选为代表。

默克尔可能没有意识到,一个由基民盟男性成员组成的秘密网络一直试图压过她。尽管看起来仍是个睁着大眼睛的无辜者,但她对危险的警惕性越来越高。“如果有人比正常人蹿升得快,贪婪和嫉妒很快就会抬头。”她在1991年如是说。“你会受到严密的监视,每一个小错误都会被记录下来,然后就是猛烈的反应。”她很反感科尔给予她特殊待遇的想法,也因为科尔经常提及她是他的“小姑娘”(Mädchen)而出离愤怒。“说得客气一点,我觉得这很烦人。我们的关系从来没有‘持续的善意’这回事。科尔一直在小心、严格地观察我的工作。”她坚持这样认为。

不过,她也承认,正是这位德国总理在1991年带她前往美国,把默克尔介绍给她的崇拜对象罗纳德·里根(Ronald Reagan),从此将她推向世界舞台。(遗憾的是,这位美国前总统那时已经罹患阿尔茨海默症,风采大不如前。)她第一次进入当时由老布什(George H. W. Bush)掌权的白宫,“在内阁会议室与总统握手时,她的脸上有一种惊奇的表情。”时任美国驻德国大使罗伯特·金米特(Robert Kimmitt)回忆道。

在那次旅行中,科尔问默克尔,自己在东德人的眼里是什么样的。默克尔不愿意“耍花腔”,在她看来,这是一种罪过。因此,她并没有说那些本可以脱口而出的恭维之词。她承认,经过多年的宣传,东德人通常把他看作卡通人物——科尔被描绘成梨形身材的资本家,被“山姆大叔”支撑着。*对默克尔来说,真实性相比上下迎合、满足自我需求更重要。她不太擅长伪造情感,也没有兴趣学习如何伪造。

甚至说,她更感兴趣反其道而行之:正因为早年时期经常历经坎坷,默克尔的定力如钢铁般坚强。在1991年春天的一次以色列之行中,默克尔几乎被东道主忽略了,所有人都觉得她只是一个部长助理罢了。她沮丧地流泪情形被媒体报道出来。她当时对赫林德·科尔布(Herlinde Koelbl)承认:“我必须更强硬一些。”

据默克尔回忆,如果说这次以色列之行是以眼泪开始的,旅程的结局却是截然不同,因为她参观了加利利海(Sea of Galilee)旁的一座修道院。

“我们站在那里,俯瞰着乡间的小山。我们看到了加利利海所在的大地。然后,一位修士说,‘这是耶稣下山的地方,而且,耶稣就在这个湖边遇到了渔夫彼得。再往前走一点,耶稣喂饱了五千人,然后就是平息风暴的故事了’。我熟读《圣经》,很熟悉在加利利海发生的事情。但是,当我听到有人直截了当地断言,那些事情就发生在这里,仍然是相当令人吃惊的。”

默克尔在迷失方向的无尽变化中寻觅立足点,终于在加利利海收获了灵感。“尽管我有信仰,但并不总是洞察一切、深信不疑的。是的,我有时也会疑虑。”她承认道。这种表态对政治家来说也是不寻常的。但是,在加利利海边,在本笃会修士与残疾青年相互扶持的修道院里,默克尔意外发现,与她交谈的修士“尽管工作艰难困苦,却有我所羡慕的力量来源”。

作为总理的默克尔多次往来于以色列。德国与犹太人之间的关系仍然是个令人担忧的话题,在她的领导之下,这仍然是政府面临的核心问题之一,也是现代德国需要解决的基本问题之一。但在此次行程之中,默克尔寻求获得内在力量。在两年的时间里,她脚踏的土地已经发生了变化。默克尔做出了改变,就像她的国家改过自新一样。现在,她需要获得更强大的凝聚力来支撑心中壮志。由于默克尔的个人信仰以及《圣经》影响之下,她经历的道路将不会一帆风顺。

东西德边境地带虽有重甲武装力量坐阵,但长期以来,德国始终是美国无核化倡导的坚定支持者。20世纪90年代,在科尔总理的领导下,德国在经历了多年紧张局势后得以喘息。德国实现统一后,战后机构网络给作为其中一员的德国带来了安全感。在这张网络之下,德国与美国走到了一起,且从1993年开始,与新建立的欧盟携手。大西洋联盟迎来了巅峰时期,德国的赫尔穆特·科尔和美国的比尔·克林顿(Bill Clinton),两人在天赋和弱点上都极为相似,在两人担任各自国家领导人期间,德美两国进入了蜜月期。科尔的目标是将东德和西德合并成一个名副其实的国家。

1994年7月,在一个万里无云的日子里,克林顿与科尔一起从西柏林步行至东柏林的勃兰登堡门,此行似乎给过去五十年的兵荒马乱画上了完美的句号——1948年柏林封锁,为了防止城市落入苏联手中,英美为首的西方阵营开展了史上规模最大的空中运输行动:柏林空运。当时,美国向城中绝望的市民们空投了食物、水和药品;1961年,修建柏林墙,以及美苏坦克在查理检查站对峙;1963年,肯尼迪在德国柏林墙边演讲,“我是一个柏林人”;1987年6月,罗纳德·里根发表演讲,“戈尔巴乔夫先生,推倒这堵墙!”。在科尔的领导下,德国成为了欧洲最大的国家,且迅速成为欧洲大陆的经济强国。

在科尔的领导班子中,最著名的东德人便是安格拉·默克尔,她也是科尔统一计划中的一部分。斯特凡·科内柳斯(Stefan Kornelius)关注默克尔的早期政治生涯,并将其编写成为传记。他指出:科尔将默克尔视为德国统一的“一种奖品”。虽然科尔能言善辩,一贯精明,但令他没有想到的是,这个“奖品”有她自己的计划和野心,愿意静候佳机。

默克尔在担任德国联邦妇女和青年部部长期间表现平平,但她证明了自己是一位懂得变通、非意识形态的政治家,能够在有争议的问题上折中解决。例如,在堕胎方面,她虽然反对堕胎合法化,但却赞成堕胎非刑事化。她其实是个保守派,但却通常不表现出来,而是绕过问题。

随着默克尔展示出勤奋、忠诚和谨慎的能力,不久,在1994年,科尔任命默克尔担任环境部长。面对如此明显的一次升迁机会,默克尔没有不假思索地欣然接受,而是再次要求时间考虑一下。几周来,她一直秘而不宣,这与波恩自我推销式的一般政治做法不同。科尔搞不清她是否真的对此职位感兴趣。但在默克尔心里,对如此高调的一个职位,她只是想看清前景如何。原因在于,德国是欧洲的工业强国,因此,支持政府出台新环境保护政策,远非承担“女性指标(quota Frau)”责任这么简单。

长期以来,默克尔一直决心不受任何固定身份的束缚,即:既不是东德佬(Ossi)也不是西德佬(Wessi)(这是西德人的说法)。此外,她还抵制“女士(Frau)”的标签,因为在她看来,女性身份不言自明。1993年5月,默克尔找到了一种途径,亮明自己是一位女权主义者,尽管相当隐晦。默克尔受邀为一家德国主流女性杂志撰写书评,针对苏珊·法露迪(Susan Faludi)的著作:《反挫——谁与女人为敌》(Backlash: The Undeclared War Against American Women),她写道:

在领导岗位、媒体、政党、利益集团、商业中,但凡没有女性参与的,在顶级时装设计师和顶级厨师行列,但凡没有女性身影的,那么,女性榜样的塑造者便是男性。如果我结婚了,我晋升领导岗位的机会有多大?我流产的几率有多大?如果我试图把事业和家庭结合起来,那将给我的孩子带来什么问题?这些都是老生常谈的话题,为了抑制女性发展,这些话题往往会使用负面实例佐证。而这是男性的阴谋,目的是霸占已有的岗位。我认为,平等意味着女性享有平等的权利,可以塑造自己的生活。

安格拉·默克尔是一位女权主义者,这点毫无掩饰。然而,多年来,她一直饱受外界指责,人们批评她在推进女性权益方面做得不够,因为她在这方面太低调了。对于拿性别歧视开玩笑的行为,尽管她早已满心怒火,但却不会当众让讲笑话的人难堪。默克尔曾经说:“我愤怒地看了他一眼”,然后解释了自己的处理方法:“后来,在只有我们两个人的时候,我跟他说这样做是不对的。”默克尔坚信,她反对性别歧视最有力的武器是在自己的生活中取得成功,以此起到带头作用,给他人以激励。

默克尔在女权和其他领域的领导方法不是占领舆论高地。(财富中文网)

摘自:《默克尔传:一场卓越的史诗之旅》,作者:凯蒂·马顿 © 凯蒂·马顿 2021年版权所有。经西蒙与舒斯特出版集团(Simon & Schuster, Inc.)许可转载。

译者:传神

安格拉·默克尔(Angela Merkel)到底是谁?这位直言不讳、相貌平平的女性是如何成为世界上最受人尊敬的领导人之一的?

默克尔也许是世界上最注重隐私的公众人物,围绕她的谜团隐藏得很深。

在她的带领下,德国和欧洲渡过了持续已久的重重危机,经历了全球金融危机、百万中东难民涌入、另类右派的崛起、特朗普执政、中国崛起,当然还有新冠肺炎疫情。这些现象级的成就说明,有志于在任何领域担任领导职务的人员,无论男女,都应该学习安格拉·默克尔充满智慧的成功秘诀。

默克尔其实是一个拥有三重身份——科学家、女性和东德人。她克服重重困难,升任总理并在职十六年。

早年间,她在德国刚统一时的首都波恩担任政治家。她一边观察一边向前辈们学习,其中包括她最重要的导师——前总理赫尔穆特·科尔(Helmut Kohl)。科尔和其他大多数人都小瞧了她,那时她已经担任妇女儿童部部长,是一名精明的战略政治家,甚至还在进行自我改造。作为牧师之女,她学会了如何低调行事。这项品质在她宁静但杀伐果决的晋升之路上发挥了重要作用。

作为德国历史上最年轻的部长——时年36岁,而且还是来自东德的女性,默克尔知道所有人都在关注着她。然而,即使对于像默克尔那样渴望学习新方法的人来说,从东德到西德的道路有时也不好走。

安格拉·默克尔对自己外貌引发的关注感到特别震惊。在东德,可以满足人们虚荣心的店铺寥寥无几。人民百货公司每季一般只会推出两款新外套,而“时尚”并不是在售商品。东德人也许衣着寒酸,但大家都习以为常。突然之间,安格拉不入时的发型、平底鞋和不象样的外套,全都被放到眼前仔细审视了一番。

科尔内阁中“唯二”的另一位东德人,新任科技部长保罗·克鲁格(Paul Krüger)回忆说:“我在政治活动中注意到安格拉,她对自己的外表毫不在意,这让我感到很震惊。她挺引人注目,但很有风度。很难说清楚,但从一开始,我就觉得她与众不同。她是个有威信的人。”藏而不露(Mehr sein als schein)是安格拉接受的路德宗教义之一。而她的新职业要求重视外表,就对这种处世准则构成了挑战。德梅齐埃(De Maizière)以及后来的赫尔穆特·科尔都恳请他们的女助手提高默克尔那根本不存在的时尚感。

德梅齐埃回忆称“安格拉穿得像个学生,凉鞋和宽松的裤子是她的标配”。在他们第一次正式访问莫斯科前,德梅齐埃曾对自己的办公室经理说:请和默克尔博士谈一谈,如果她仍像那样打扮,我恐怕无法和她一起去。”当默克尔穿着新衣服去莫斯科时,他试图鼓励她,“哇!安格拉,你看起来真不错!”她非但没有对这番恭维感到高兴,反而“涨得满脸通红。整个局面十分尴尬”。对这种情况的疑问可以追溯到20世纪90年代流传的一个冷笑话:

“默克尔是怎样处理她的旧衣服的?”

“穿上。”

“对于男士而言,连续一百天穿深蓝色套装都不成问题”,默克尔嘟囔说。“但如果我一件夹克穿了四次,我就会收到市民来信......曾经有一名摄影师躺在桌下就为了给我踩弯的鞋跟拍照”。但她一如既往地调整适应。为了不让自己的外表成为话题,默克尔添置了一衣柜相当于一套男士深色西服的衣服:满满一柜都是汉堡一家知名时装店设计的四四方方的彩色夹克、舒适的黑色裤子和黑色平底鞋。最后,她甚至接受了发型师每日为她打理头发,作为为工作牺牲的代价。她的老朋友迈克尔·辛德海姆(Michael Schindhelm)回忆说,当他在萨尔茨堡音乐节(Salzburg Music Festival)上看到默克尔穿着一条紧身连衣裙(一种褶皱全镶边的巴伐利亚民族服饰)时,他感到非常惊讶。“安格拉,这是我第一次看到你穿裙子!”他惊呼,但默克尔却明显感到不自在。

然而,当英国外交官保罗·利弗(Paul Lever)称赞她在奥斯陆歌剧院所穿的华丽晚礼服时,他说:“女士,您看起来棒极了!”默克尔似乎很高兴,并谈到了一些裙子的细节和它的设计师。但是,媒体对她换下乏味的“制服”装扮进行了大肆报道,这打消了她再穿裙子的想法。

此外,默克尔在其他公众形象方面也遭遇了难题。例如,站在讲台面前时手应该如何摆放的问题。她知道她的不安传达了错误的信息。在反复试错以后,她摆出了“默克尔菱形”,即双手指尖相触,这成为了她的标志性手势。(多年后,她的政党在政治活动中不仅比出这个手势,还加上口号“德国的未来掌握在优秀者的手中”。)

尽管有这样的尴尬,但在上世纪九十年代的波恩,人们普遍认为,这位来自东德的年轻女性蹿升得太快了。这倒也是事实,至少说,进入政界不到一年就担任内阁职务,这是极不寻常的。科尔总理已经开始把她视作门生,此举让总理圈子内的其他人以及基民盟的人都惴惴不安,他们认为默克尔不过是个来自东德的插班生,既不受欢迎也不够格,并没有赢得她的政治地位。从此以后,喜好在下班时间大谈政治的首都各家酒馆就经常响起“谁能阻止她”这个话题。

曾经有一个不被默克尔察觉的事实:早在默克尔从政之前,基民盟党内有12名前途无量的年轻男性,他们联手创建了一个“工作小组”,而女性(在基民盟的等级制度中,女性本就是罕见物种)被排除在外。这些男性把自己的工作小组称为“安第斯条约”(Andes Pact),他们都来自富裕的德国工业州,承诺互相支持彼此发迹。这个工作小组的成立相当于发出了明确的提醒信号:女性在党内高层不受欢迎。

但默克尔是个非常有智慧的人,她开始构建自己的政治基础,摆脱强势男性赞助人的影响。她代表前东德的梅克伦堡-前波美拉尼亚地区(Mecklenburg Vorpommern)参与竞选,赢得了德国联邦议院的一个席位(虽然不是担任内阁职务的必要条件,但大多数部长都是联邦议院的议员)。冈瑟·克劳泽(Gunther Krause)也曾为默克尔扫清道路,他是当地著名的政治人物,但因与国家安全部(Stasi)的关系而落马。尽管默克尔并非来自崎岖多山的波罗的海地区,但在竞选时,她与渔民们一起痛饮当地的杜松子酒,以其简单的情感和年轻派的乐观主义赢得了支持。身为竞选者,她并没有以高人一等的态度对待选民,或者假装知晓所有问题的答案,而是身体力行地去倾听、表示同情。她用自己特有的朴素风格来表达自己,让当地人相信,她就是他们中的一员。自1990年以来,默克尔在每次联邦选举中都被选民选为代表。

默克尔可能没有意识到,一个由基民盟男性成员组成的秘密网络一直试图压过她。尽管看起来仍是个睁着大眼睛的无辜者,但她对危险的警惕性越来越高。“如果有人比正常人蹿升得快,贪婪和嫉妒很快就会抬头。”她在1991年如是说。“你会受到严密的监视,每一个小错误都会被记录下来,然后就是猛烈的反应。”她很反感科尔给予她特殊待遇的想法,也因为科尔经常提及她是他的“小姑娘”(Mädchen)而出离愤怒。“说得客气一点,我觉得这很烦人。我们的关系从来没有‘持续的善意’这回事。科尔一直在小心、严格地观察我的工作。”她坚持这样认为。

不过,她也承认,正是这位德国总理在1991年带她前往美国,把默克尔介绍给她的崇拜对象罗纳德·里根(Ronald Reagan),从此将她推向世界舞台。(遗憾的是,这位美国前总统那时已经罹患阿尔茨海默症,风采大不如前。)她第一次进入当时由老布什(George H. W. Bush)掌权的白宫,“在内阁会议室与总统握手时,她的脸上有一种惊奇的表情。”时任美国驻德国大使罗伯特·金米特(Robert Kimmitt)回忆道。

在那次旅行中,科尔问默克尔,自己在东德人的眼里是什么样的。默克尔不愿意“耍花腔”,在她看来,这是一种罪过。因此,她并没有说那些本可以脱口而出的恭维之词。她承认,经过多年的宣传,东德人通常把他看作卡通人物——科尔被描绘成梨形身材的资本家,被“山姆大叔”支撑着。*对默克尔来说,真实性相比上下迎合、满足自我需求更重要。她不太擅长伪造情感,也没有兴趣学习如何伪造。

甚至说,她更感兴趣反其道而行之:正因为早年时期经常历经坎坷,默克尔的定力如钢铁般坚强。在1991年春天的一次以色列之行中,默克尔几乎被东道主忽略了,所有人都觉得她只是一个部长助理罢了。她沮丧地流泪情形被媒体报道出来。她当时对赫林德·科尔布(Herlinde Koelbl)承认:“我必须更强硬一些。”

据默克尔回忆,如果说这次以色列之行是以眼泪开始的,旅程的结局却是截然不同,因为她参观了加利利海(Sea of Galilee)旁的一座修道院。

“我们站在那里,俯瞰着乡间的小山。我们看到了加利利海所在的大地。然后,一位修士说:‘这是耶稣下山的地方,而且,耶稣就在这个湖边遇到了渔夫彼得。再往前走一点,耶稣喂饱了五千人,然后就是平息风暴的故事了。’我熟读《圣经》,很熟悉在加利利海发生的事情。但是,当我听到有人直截了当地断言,那些事情就发生在这里,仍然是相当令人吃惊的。”

默克尔在迷失方向的无尽变化中寻觅立足点,终于在加利利海收获了灵感。“尽管我有信仰,但并不总是洞察一切、深信不疑的。是的,我有时也会疑虑。”她承认道。这种表态对政治家来说也是不寻常的。但是,在加利利海边,在本笃会修士与残疾青年相互扶持的修道院里,默克尔意外发现,与她交谈的修士“尽管工作艰难困苦,却有我所羡慕的力量来源”。

作为总理的默克尔多次往来于以色列。德国与犹太人之间的关系仍然是个令人担忧的话题,在她的领导之下,这仍然是政府面临的核心问题之一,也是现代德国需要解决的基本问题之一。但在此次行程之中,默克尔寻求获得内在力量。在两年的时间里,她脚踏的土地已经发生了变化。默克尔做出了改变,就像她的国家改过自新一样。现在,她需要获得更强大的凝聚力来支撑心中壮志。由于默克尔的个人信仰以及《圣经》影响之下,她经历的道路将不会一帆风顺。

东西德边境地带虽有重甲武装力量坐阵,但长期以来,德国始终是美国无核化倡导的坚定支持者。20世纪90年代,在科尔总理的领导下,德国在经历了多年紧张局势后得以喘息。德国实现统一后,战后机构网络给作为其中一员的德国带来了安全感。在这张网络之下,德国与美国走到了一起,且从1993年开始,与新建立的欧盟携手。大西洋联盟迎来了巅峰时期,德国的赫尔穆特·科尔和美国的比尔·克林顿(Bill Clinton),两人在天赋和弱点上都极为相似,在两人担任各自国家领导人期间,德美两国进入了蜜月期。科尔的目标是将东德和西德合并成一个名副其实的国家。

1994年7月,在一个万里无云的日子里,克林顿与科尔一起从西柏林步行至东柏林的勃兰登堡门,此行似乎给过去五十年的兵荒马乱画上了完美的句号——1948年柏林封锁,为了防止城市落入苏联手中,英美为首的西方阵营开展了史上规模最大的空中运输行动:柏林空运。当时,美国向城中绝望的市民们空投了食物、水和药品;1961年,修建柏林墙,以及美苏坦克在查理检查站对峙;1963年,肯尼迪在德国柏林墙边演讲,“我是一个柏林人”;1987年6月,罗纳德·里根发表演讲,“戈尔巴乔夫先生,推倒这堵墙!”。在科尔的领导下,德国成为了欧洲最大的国家,且迅速成为欧洲大陆的经济强国。

在科尔的领导班子中,最著名的东德人便是安格拉·默克尔,她也是科尔统一计划中的一部分。斯特凡·科内柳斯(Stefan Kornelius)关注默克尔的早期政治生涯,并将其编写成为传记。他指出:科尔将默克尔视为德国统一的“一种奖品”。虽然科尔能言善辩,一贯精明,但令他没有想到的是,这个“奖品”有她自己的计划和野心,愿意静候佳机。

默克尔在担任德国联邦妇女和青年部部长期间表现平平,但她证明了自己是一位懂得变通、非意识形态的政治家,能够在有争议的问题上折中解决。例如,在堕胎方面,她虽然反对堕胎合法化,但却赞成堕胎非刑事化。她其实是个保守派,但却通常不表现出来,而是绕过问题。

随着默克尔展示出勤奋、忠诚和谨慎的能力,不久,在1994年,科尔任命默克尔担任环境部长。面对如此明显的一次升迁机会,默克尔没有不假思索地欣然接受,而是再次要求给时间考虑一下。几周来,她一直秘而不宣,这与波恩自我推销式的一般政治做法不同。科尔搞不清她是否真的对此职位感兴趣。但在默克尔心里,对如此高调的一个职位,她只是想看清前景如何。原因在于,德国是欧洲的工业强国,因此,支持政府出台新环境保护政策,远非承担“女性指标(quota Frau)”责任这么简单。

长期以来,默克尔一直决心不受任何固定身份的束缚,即:既不是东德佬(Ossi)也不是西德佬(Wessi)(这是西德人的说法)。此外,她还抵制“女士(Frau)”的标签,因为在她看来,女性身份不言自明。1993年5月,默克尔找到了一种途径,亮明自己是一位女权主义者,尽管相当隐晦。默克尔受邀为一家德国主流女性杂志撰写书评,针对苏珊·法露迪(Susan Faludi)的著作:《反挫——谁与女人为敌》(Backlash: The Undeclared War Against American Women),她写道:

在领导岗位、媒体、政党、利益集团、商业中,但凡没有女性参与的,在顶级时装设计师和顶级厨师行列,但凡没有女性身影的,那么,女性榜样的塑造者便是男性。如果我结婚了,我晋升领导岗位的机会有多大?我流产的几率有多大?如果我试图把事业和家庭结合起来,那将给我的孩子带来什么问题?这些都是老生常谈的话题,为了抑制女性发展,这些话题往往会使用负面实例佐证。而这是男性的阴谋,目的是霸占已有的岗位。我认为,平等意味着女性享有平等的权利,可以塑造自己的生活。

安格拉·默克尔是一位女权主义者,这点毫无掩饰。然而,多年来,她一直饱受外界指责,人们批评她在推进女性权益方面做得不够,因为她在这方面太低调了。对于拿性别歧视开玩笑的行为,尽管她早已满心怒火,但却不会当众让讲笑话的人难堪。默克尔曾经说:“我愤怒地看了他一眼”,然后解释了自己的处理方法:“后来,在只有我们两个人的时候,我跟他说这样做是不对的。”默克尔坚信,她反对性别歧视最有力的武器是在自己的生活中取得成功,以此起到带头作用,给他人以激励。

默克尔在女权和其他领域的领导方法不是占领舆论高地。(财富中文网)

摘自:《默克尔传:一场卓越的史诗之旅》,作者:凯蒂·马顿 © 凯蒂·马顿 2021年版权所有。经西蒙与舒斯特出版集团(Simon & Schuster, Inc.)许可转载。

译者:传神

Just who is Angela Merkel, and how did this plainspoken, uncharismatic woman become the world’s most respected leader?

The mystery surrounding Merkel is deep; she may be the most private public figure in the world. Yet study her life and career we must if we are to understand our era. Her phenomenal achievements in navigating Germany and Europe through rolling crises—from the global financial meltdown to the arrival of one million Middle Eastern refugees, the rise of the alt-right, the Trump presidency, China’s ascendancy and, of course, COVID—mean that men and women aspiring to leadership in any field would do well to learn from Angela Merkel’s subtle formula for success.

In this excerpt, I explore how Merkel overcame liabilities as a triple outsider—a scientist, a woman, and an East German—to ascend to the chancellery, where she’d hold on for power for sixteen long years.

Here, we see her in her early days as a politician in Bonn, the capital of a newly unified Germany, as she observes and learns from her elders—including her most important mentor, Chancellor Helmut Kohl. Underestimated by Kohl and by most others, she is already in her years as Minister for Woman and Youth a canny and strategic politician, even as she is reinventing herself. As a pastor’s daughter growing up in atheist, communist East Germany, she learned not to call attention to herself, a skill that would serve her well in her quiet but relentless ascent.

As Germany’s youngest minister in history at the age of just 36—and a woman from the East, to boot—Merkel knew that all eyes were on her. But even for someone as avid to learn new ways as Merkel, the passage from East to West Germany was sometimes rough.

Angela was particularly shocked at the attention focused on her appearance. In East Germany, there were few outlets for vanity. “Fashion” was not really on offer in the Peoples’ Department stores, which generally featured two new styles of coats per season. The population may have been shabby, but they were uniformly so. Suddenly Angela’s unfashionable hair- cuts, flat shoes, and shapeless coats were all scrutinized. The only other East German in Kohl’s Cabinet, Paul Krüger, the new minister of research and technology, recalled, “I had noticed Angela at political events and was struck by how little she cared about her appearance. That was striking. And yet she had presence. It’s hard to explain this, but from the outset, I had the feeling that she was different. She had an authority.” Mehr sein als schein— to be more than to be seen to be—was one of Angela’s Lutheran edicts; now that was being challenged by the demands of her new profession, which put a premium on appearance. De Maizière and, later, Helmut Kohl, pleaded with their female assistants (and, in Kohl’s case, his wife) to work on Merkel’s nonexistent fashion sense. “Angela dressed like a student in those days: sandals, baggy pants,” de Maizière recalled. Before their first official trip to Moscow, he asked his office manager, “Please talk to Dr. Merkel. I can’t travel with her if she looks like that.” When Merkel showed up in a new outfit for the trip, he attempted to encourage her, saying, “Wow! You look great, Angela!” Instead of seeming pleased by the compliment, “She turned beet red. The entire situation was very embarrassing for her.” The challenges of the situation were summed up in a lame joke that made the rounds back in the 1990s:

“What does Merkel do with her old clothes?”

“She wears them.”

“For a man, it’s no problem at all to wear a dark-blue suit a hundred days in a row,” Merkel grumbled. “But if I wear the same jacket four times, I receive letters from citizens. . . . I once had a photographer lying under the table to take a picture of my crooked heels.” But, as always, she adapted. Merkel made her appearance a nonstory by building a wardrobe that was her equivalent of a man’s dark suit: a closetful of boxy, colorful jackets designed by a reputable Hamburg fashion house, comfortable black pants, and black flats. Eventually she even accepted the daily intervention of a hair stylist as part of the price of doing her job. Her old friend Michael Schindhelm recalled his surprise at once seeing Merkel wearing a dirndl—the frilly, full-skirted Bavarian folk costume—at the Salzburg Music Festival. “Angela, that’s the first time I’ve ever seen you in a dress!” he exclaimed, to Merkel’s visible discomfort.

Nevertheless, when British diplomat Paul Lever complimented her on the glamorous evening gown she wore to the Oslo Opera House, saying, “Madame Chancellor, you look great!” Merkel seemed pleased, and went into some detail regarding the dress and its designer. However, the media’s excited coverage of her departure from her predictable “uniform” discouraged her from ever wearing the dress again.

Merkel also struggled with other aspects of public presentation; what to do with her hands when she stood at a lectern, for instance. She under- stood that her fidgeting sent the wrong message. After trial and error, she landed on the “Merkel rhombus”: fingertips pressed together in what has since become her signature. (Years later, her party would use the emoticon in political campaigns, along with the slogan “Germany’s future in good hands.”)

Despite such awkwardness, there was a widespread feeling in Bonn in the nineties that the young woman from the East was rising too fast—in- deed, a Cabinet post within a year of entering politics was unusual, to say the least. Chancellor Kohl had begun treating her as a protégé, which disturbed others in his circle as well as those in the CDU who regarded her as an unwelcome and unqualified interloper from the East who had not earned her political stripes. Who would stop her was a topic of after-hours conversations in the capital’s political watering holes. Merkel was oblivious to the fact that twelve promising young men in her party had created a “working group” from which women (a rare species in the CDU hierarchy) were excluded. Called the Andes Pact, the men—all from rich, industrial German Länder (states)—pledged to support one another’s rise, a pointed reminder that women were unwelcome in the party’s higher echelons.

Wise enough to build her own base independent of powerful male patrons, she campaigned for and won a seat in the Bundestag, the German federal parliament (though not a requirement for a cabinet position, most ministers are members of the Bundestag), representing the formerly East German region of Mecklenburg Vorpommern. The path had been cleared for her by Gunther Krause, a prominent local politician who also fell from grace as a result of his Stasi connections. Though Merkel wasn’t from the rugged Baltic region, while campaigning, she gamely knocked back shots of the local schnapps with fishermen and won support with her simple affect and youthful optimism. As a campaigner, she did not patronize or pretend to have all the answers, but mostly listened, sympathized, and expressed herself in her characteristic plain style, convincing locals that she was one of them. They reelected her their representative in every federal election since 1990.

Merkel may not have been aware of a secret network of CDU men seeking to outshine her and may have appeared to be the wide-eyed innocent, but she was increasingly alert to the danger. “[I]f someone rises faster than normal, greed and envy soon rear their heads,” she noted in 1991. “You are under close scrutiny, and every little mistake will be registered and followed by a sharp reaction.” She resented the idea that Kohl gave her special treatment and bridled at the frequent references to her as his Mädchen, or young lady. “I find it annoying, to put it mildly. Our relationship . . . is not characterized by continuous goodwill. Kohl carefully and critically observes my work,” she insisted.

She did admit, however, that it was the German chancellor who launched her on the world stage by taking her to America in 1991, where he introduced Merkel to her hero Ronald Reagan. (By then, sadly, the former president was much diminished by Alzheimer’s disease.) Her first time in the White House, then occupied by George H. W. Bush, “there was a look of wonderment on her face when she shook hands with the president in the Cabinet Room,” recalled Robert Kimmitt, the US ambassador to Germany at the time.

On that trip, Kohl asked Merkel how he was regarded by East Germans. Not willing to be “inauthentic”—a sin by her lights—Merkel resisted the easy appeal of flattery. She admitted that, after years of propaganda, they generally saw him as a cartoonish figure—depicted as a pear-shaped capitalist with Uncle Sam propping him up.* Authenticity was more important to her than stroking needy egos. She wasn’t much good at faking emotions, nor interested in learning how.

She was interested, however, in doing the opposite: it was during those sometimes rocky early years that Merkel mastered steely composure. On a trip to Israel in the spring of 1991, she was all but ignored by her hosts, who assumed she was a ministerial assistant. Some in the media reported on her tears of frustration. “I have to be tougher,” she acknowledged to Herlinde Koelbl at the time.

If the trip to Israel started with tears, Merkel recalled how differently it ended, with a visit to a monastery on the Sea of Galilee:

“We stood overlooking the countryside with its hills. We saw the ground where the Sea of Galilee is located. Then a monk said, ‘This is where Jesus came down the hill, and, at this lake, Jesus met Peter, the fisherman. . . . And a bit farther, he fed the five thousand, and then he had the experience with the storm.’ I am familiar with the Bible and with what happened at the Sea of Galilee. But to hear someone simply assert that this is what happened, right here, was something quite startling.”

Searching for grounding amid disorienting change, Merkel found inspiration at the Sea of Galilee. “I am not always clear and sure in my faith. I sometimes have doubts,” she admitted, unusual for a politician. But there, by the Sea of Galilee, in a monastery where Benedictine brothers worked with youth with disabilities, she found the monk she was speaking with “had a source of strength in his difficult work that I envied.”

As chancellor, Merkel would return many times to Israel, making the still-fraught topic of the German-Jewish relationship one of the core issues of her administration—and one of the foundations of modern Germany. But on this first trip, it was inner strength she sought. In the space of two years, the ground had shifted beneath her. She had transformed herself—as her country had been transformed. Now her ambition needed a stronger anchor. Her private faith, and the Bible, would steady her sometimes rocky path.

Germany, the heavily armed frontier between East and West, had long stood at the epicenter of America’s effort to avert nuclear Armageddon. In the 1990s, under Chancellor Kohl, the country enjoyed a breathing spell after years of high tension. With unification achieved, Germany felt safe as part of a network of postwar institutions that bound it to the United States and, beginning in 1993, to the new European Union. The Atlantic alliance enjoyed its peak years, embodied by the warm friendship between Helmut Kohl and Bill Clinton—two men of remarkably similar gifts and vulnerabilities. Kohl’s goal was the merger of East and West Germany into a single nation—in more than name. When Clinton and Kohl walked together through the Brandenburg Gate from West to East Berlin on a cloud- less day in July 1994, it seemed the perfect finale to the high drama of the last fifty years: the Berlin Airlift in 1948, when the United States airlifted food, water, and medicine to the desperate citizens of the besieged city in response to a Soviet blockade; the building of the wall, and the confrontation between American and Soviet tanks at Checkpoint Charlie in 1961; President Kennedy’s “Ich bin ein Berliner” address in 1963; and Ronald Reagan’s plea “Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!” in June 1987. Under Kohl, Germany became Europe’s largest country and soon the Continent’s economic powerhouse.

Angela Merkel, the most prominent East German in Kohl’s government, was part of the chancellor’s plan to merge the two parts into a whole. Stefan Kornelius, the author of an early political biography of Merkel, noted that Kohl treated her as “a kind of trophy” of German unification. What the garrulous and normally shrewd Kohl did not calculate was that his “trophy” had plans and ambitions of her own and was willing to bide her time to realize them.

As minister for women and youth, Merkel broke no ground, but she proved a supple, nonideological politician able to compromise on controversial matters. For instance, regarding abortion, she opposed legalizing it, but was in favor of decriminalizing it. She often kept her own rather conservative views to herself and basically punted on the issue.

With Merkel having demonstrated her capacity for hard word, loyalty, and discretion, Kohl soon offered her the more prestigious environment portfolio in 1994. Instead of an immediate, enthusiastic “Yes!” for this obvious promotion, Angela once again requested time to think it over. For several weeks, she kept the news to herself—a departure from Bonn’s general political custom of self-promotion. Kohl wondered if she was actually even interested. But Merkel was merely attempting to get a feel for what lay ahead for her in such a high-profile position. Championing the government’s relatively new environmental protection policies in the industrial powerhouse of Europe was far from a “quota Frau” responsibility.

Merkel had long been determined not to be pigeonholed into any fixed identity: neither Ossi nor Wessi (as Germans from the West are known). She also resisted the “Frau” label, as she felt that aspect of her identity was self-evident. In May 1993 she found a way to make clear that she was fundamentally, if quietly, a feminist. In a book review of Susan Faludi’s Backlash: The Undeclared War Against American Women for a mainstream German woman’s journal, she wrote:

As long as women aren’t represented in leadership positions, in the media, in political parties, in interest groups, in business, as long as they don’t belong to the ranks of top fashion designers, and top chefs, role models for women will be determined by men. . . . What are my chances of getting married if I’m in a leadership position? What are my chances of having a miscarriage? How will my children suffer if I try to combine career and family? These questions are discussed time and again using negative examples that discourage women. It’s the attempt by men to keep positions they currently occupy. . . . In my opinion, equality means the equal right for women to shape their own lives.

There is nothing ambiguous about this: Angela Merkel was a feminist. Nevertheless, she would face criticism over the years from those who felt she was insufficiently committed to the advancement of women—that she was too low-key in her advocacy. Though she bristles at sexist humor, she would not embarrass the joke teller in public. “I give him an angry look, and, later, when we are alone, I’ll tell him that was not okay,” she once said, explaining her strategy. She insisted that her most powerful weapon against sexism was achieving success in her own life, as a spur for others to follow.

Her approach to leadership—in this and other areas—does not lean heavily on the bully pulpit.

From The Chancellor: The Remarkable Odyssey of Angela Merkel by Kati Marton. Copyright © 2021 by Kati Marton. Reprinted by permission of Simon & Schuster, Inc.

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